From Email Patrick O'Sullivan

Ruth-Ann,

You most probably already have this, but... Depending on context 'Broad
Arrow' usually refers to convict clothing - though I do not have a killer
source to hand.

The usual sources for British/English history (Brewer's Dictionary, etc.)
say that the Broad Arrow was a way of marking ALL English government
property - though it is not clear how the mark originated, and it is clear
that it was especially associated with convict uniform. There are the
expected pieces of C17th and C18th century legislation, specifying
punishments for the theft of government property.

I do wonder if in Ireland was there a special post-Union significance. Did
Ireland, after the Union, suddenly start seeing many items marked with the
Broad Arrow, as the formal United Kingdom government expanded into Ireland?

P.O'S.


From: Sarah Morgan
Subject: Re: Ir-D Wake House / Broad Arrow

Dear Ruth-Ann,

In my local area in Ireland(Co Carlow), I have heard 'wake house' used to
refer to any house where a dead person is being waked. It is particularly
used to refer to the house at night time, when the corpse is waked. During
the day the house would be called the 'prayer house' (usually by older
people) as this is when the priest and the religiously minded would
visit to pray for the soul of the dead person.

Sarah Morgan.

On Fri 1 Dec Nov 2000 07:06:00 +0000 irish-diaspora[at]Bradford.ac.uk wrote:

>
> From: "Ruth-Ann M. Harris"
> Subject: of Wake Houses and "The Queen's Broad Arrow"
>
>
> I have two queries to ask of my colleagues on the Diaspora List.
> 1. Wake Houses: I've found references to a Wake House in my work on
> the mid-19th century Shirley Estate, Carrickmacross, Co. Monaghan. Does
> anyone have other experience of houses designated specifically for wakes.
> 2. "The Queen's [or King's] Broad Arrow": what do readers know of
> this? I know a little but would like to know more.
>
> Ruth-Ann Harris
>
>
>
- --
Patrick O'Sullivan
Head of the Irish Diaspora Research Unit

Email Patrick O'Sullivan
Email Patrick O'Sullivan

Irish-Diaspora list
Irish Diaspora Studies http://www.brad.ac.uk/acad/diaspora/

Personal Fax National 0870 284 1580
Fax International +44 870 284 1580

Irish Diaspora Research Unit
Department of Interdisciplinary Human Studies
University of Bradford
Bradford BD7 1DP
Yorkshire
England

From Email Patrick O'Sullivan

Very regularly we are contacted by folk asking for statistical material
about Irish people outside Ireland and people of Irish heritage throughout
the world.

Often these are would-be entrepreneurs, and they need only the basic, brief
information, to be found in the Irish Government White Paper on Foreign
Policy...

http://www.irlgov.ie/iveagh/information/publications/whitepaper/chp12.html

Thereafter, the US Census Department has a fairly good Web presence at...

http://ftp.census.gov/CMS/www/index.html

There is some material on the Irish in the 1990 US census at...

http://www.census.gov/population/socdemo/ancestry/Irish.txt

There are also a number of Web sites that guide demographers, etc., to
census material
around the Web. Though I am not sure how we - in turn - would guide other
people through them.

Generally, as regards Irish stuff, this is one of those fraught areas, where
most of the stuff you readily find on the Web is not to be trusted.
Unsourced assertions... Irish Diaspora stuff on the Web mostly falls into a
limited number of categories.

And technically, there is quite a complex background question - and if ever
I get some funding I would like to have a really good look at it,
world-wide. For we are hunting the 'Irish' across a series of different
censuses and census regimes, which change over time and space.

We had conversations about such these issues, at the conferences in Bochum
and in Aberdeen...

Does anybody have any ideas about how we might take the conversation
further? And, maybe construct a reply to thse Frequently Asked Questions?

P.O'S.

- --
Patrick O'Sullivan
Head of the Irish Diaspora Research Unit

Email Patrick O'Sullivan
Email Patrick O'Sullivan

Irish-Diaspora list
Irish Diaspora Studies http://www.brad.ac.uk/acad/diaspora/

Personal Fax National 0870 284 1580
Fax International +44 870 284 1580

Irish Diaspora Research Unit
Department of Interdisciplinary Human Studies
University of Bradford
Bradford BD7 1DP
Yorkshire
England

The following item has been brought to our attention...

Forwarded on behalf of
Paul S. Ell
Subject: ECAI papers at the SSHA


> Dear All,
> I am hoping to organise at least two sessions from
> projects associated with the Electronic Cultural Atlas
> Initiative (ECAI) at the Social Science History Conference in
> Chicago next November. So far we have sufficient papers for one
> full session but need a further two to complete a second
> session. If you are associated with ECAI and would like to offer
> a paper please let me know. I'd be particularly keen for papers
> concerning Britain or Ireland. Even if you're not involved with
> ECAI, but are using GIS, computer cartography or other
> visualisation techniques in work with historical data your paper
> might fit within a session.
> For more details, or to offer a paper, please contact me
> off list at p.ell[at]qub.ac.uk.
>
> Best wishes,
>
> Paul
> List owner
>
> ______________________________________________________________
> Dr Paul S. Ell
> Director
> The Centre for Data Digitisation and Analysis
> School of Sociology and Social Policy
> The Queen's University of Belfast
> Belfast
> BT7 1NN
>

From: Elizabeth Malcolm
Subject: 70 million?

Dear Paddy,

I notice that in your message re. the Irish World Heritage Centre
there is mention of the Irish 'global family' comprising 70 million
people. I myself have used this figure in teaching and based it on
speeches by Mary Robinson. But I'm wondering where it comes from, how
reliable it is and, indeed, what exactly it means. The recent
Ir-D exchange of emails about protestants in Ireland suggested that
opinions differ as to their numbers, with claims that official
statistics tell only part of the story. Is 70 million the Irish
government's official estimate? But if so, again, where does it come
from? If I get up in front of a group of students I want to be sure
I'm not repeating a 'furphy' - Australian slang for a misleading or
inaccurate statement, from the name of the Irish-Australian author
Joseph Furphy!

Elizabeth


Professor Elizabeth Malcolm Tel: +61-3-8344 3924
Department of History FAX: +61-3-8344 7894
University of Melbourne email:
e.malcolm[at]unimelb.edu.au
Parkville, Victoria
Australia, 3010

From Email Patrick O'Sullivan

The Smithsonian American Art Museum has a lovely Web site...

Which is, however, very difficult to use...

For technical reasons, which I do not fully understand...

But, those interested in images of Irish serving girls in the USA, might try
this...

Go to

http://www.nmaa.si.edu/home.html

Smithsonian American Art Museum

Click on Search, at the top of the screen

In the Search this Web site box type

Irish

One of the results of your search will be

Thayer Show Development

And you are in the middle of a sequence about the work of
Abbott Handerson Thayer
Including images of the Thayer family serving girl and Thayer's model,
Bessie Price...

Often with Thayer's trademark angel wings...

I did not say it was going to be a typical image of a typical serving
girl...

P.O'S.

- --
Patrick O'Sullivan
Head of the Irish Diaspora Research Unit

Email Patrick O'Sullivan
Email Patrick O'Sullivan

Irish-Diaspora list
Irish Diaspora Studies http://www.brad.ac.uk/acad/diaspora/

Personal Fax National 0870 284 1580
Fax International +44 870 284 1580

Irish Diaspora Research Unit
Department of Interdisciplinary Human Studies
University of Bradford
Bradford BD7 1DP
Yorkshire
England

From: "noel gilzean"
Subject: Re: Ir-D Statistics


Hi Paddy
My feeling is that we should get together and compile a page of links that
members of the list have found reliable and post it on one of our sites. We
could then direct people to that site.
Noel
BTW I am a great fan of an american writer called James Lee Burke. He writes
thrillers (very well) many of his stories are set in Louisianna and he
refers to a neighbourhood in New Orleans called the Irish Channel does
anyone know this area?
Noel
Happy whatever.

The following item has been brought to our attention...

Subject: WWW: City Sites: An Electronic Book (New York & Chicago,
1870-1939)

Forwarded on behalf of Maria Balshaw

Dear Colleagues:

We are pleased to announce the publication of City Sites: an
electronic book, multimedia essays on New York and Chicago,
1870-1939 at:

http://www.citysites.org.uk

City Sites is an open access electronic book published by the
University of Birmingham Press, supported by the Arts and
Humanities Research Board, and the Universities of Birmingham
and Nottingham, UK. City Sites is the result of collaborative
research by scholars from Europe and the USA and presents a
pioneering approach to American urbanism utilising new
multimedia technologies. The book consists of ten essays by
leading scholars presenting multi-disciplinary study of the
iconography, spatial forms and visual and literary cultures of New
York and Chicago from 1870-1939. City Sites also features
extensive online resources, map pages, bibliography, moving and
still images and sound. Essays are by Professor William
Boelhower (Padua), Dr Maria Balshaw (Birmingham), Dr Jude
Davies (Winchester), Dr Chris Gair (Birmingham), Dr Liam Kennedy
(Birmingham), Dr Anna Notaro (Nottingham), Dr Max Page (Yale),
Professor Eric Sandeen (Wyoming), Professor Douglas Tallack
(Nottingham), John Walsh (Nottingham). The book is edited by Dr
Maria Balshaw and Dr Liam Kennedy (University of Birmingham)
and Dr Anna Notaro and Professor Douglas Tallack (University of
Nottingham).

City Sites is part of the 3 Cities research project, funded by the
A.H.R.B. based at the University of Birmingham and the University of
Nottingham in the UK.

We would like to invite list members to view the e-book and thank
those many scholars who have already been in contact with us after
viewing the City Sites preview. We value feedback on the work in City
Sites and would encourage colleagues to pass on any views or comments
via the feedback form on City Sites. We archive all this commentary
and hope to incorporate it as part of the discussion of the e-book
project on the 3 Cities project web site (at
http://www.3cities.org.uk).

Sincerely, Dr Maria Balshaw, on behalf of the 3 Cities project.

If you would like further information on City Sites or the 3 Cities
project contact Dr Maria Balshaw, Department of American and
Canadian Studies, University of Birmingham, UK at
M.J.Balshaw[at]bham.ac.uk


Dr Maria Balshaw
Research Fellow in American Literature/ 3 Cities Project
Dept. of American and Canadian Studies
University of Birmingham
Edgbaston, Birmingham B15 2TT
ENGLAND
phone ++44 121 4143274
fax ++44 121 4146866

Visit our electronic book City Sites at www.citysites.org.uk
Visit the 3 Cities web site at www.3cities.org.uk

Noted...

Useful pictures...

MPS Historical Timeline
The Fenians and the IRA

http://www.met.police.uk/history/fenians.htm

P.O'S.

Subject: Wonky stats. on the "Irish"
From: michael curran
To:

Yes Elizabeth.
Greetings from TCD via Belfast. The USA President - another Irish man, is
with us later today.
I share some of your frustration with so called figures on "the Irish".
Maybe the 70 million symbol has something to do with our self image.
In the psychosocial area at least it is time for us to quantify totals for
"Irish born", second generation Irish with one or two Irish -born" parents,
and so forth - possibly to include a segment of the 40 million plus in USA,
many of whom have tenuous links with this island.
The quantification of those who are Irish "across the water" (where the bulk
of Irish-born outside the state reside), is another interesting debate.
There are 5 million approx. resident on this Island at present- and a % of
these inhabitants would not consider themselves in the "Irish" category.
Even if we stretch the statistics as subjectively as possible we probably
would not reach the figure you quoted!
Slan agus beannacht
Michael J. Curran

P.S. I am still interested in hearing about ANY research findings or indeed
any references to the mental/physical health of the "Irish" - no matter
where they reside on the globe.


> Michael J. Curran (curranmj[at]tcd.ie)
> Irish Diaspora Project
> Dept. of Psychology
> Aras an Phiarsaigh
> Trinity College
> Dublin 2
> Ireland
> Phone : 0044 2890 839569(h)
> FAX: 003531 6712006, 00442890 836042(h)
> www.tcd.ie/Psychology/Michael_Curran/diaspora.html
>
>

From: Marion Casey
Subject: Irish Channell


Noel,

I asked a colleague, John Waters, who has just moved here from Louisiana
about Irish Channell. His answer follows:

"The neighborhood is still called the Irish Channell by people in New
Orleans. It has an interesting history - there were two neighborhoods
that were referred to as the Irish channell, the first, closer in to
the old city and the French quarter, migrated to the second in the 1850s
after the development of the Garden district, away from the river. The
second Irish channell was actually in the city of Lafayette, a
municipality that was later incorporated into New Orleans but was then
outside the city's jurisdiction. The concentration of famine victims in
this neighborhood had atrocious consequences in the yellow fever and
cholera epidemics of the 1850s. (There's a brief discussion of all this
in Neihaus's Irish in New Orleans.)"

Best wishes,
Marion Casey
Department of History
New York University

From Email Patrick O'Sullivan

I should report that, as I have indicated earlier, a number of us have been
looking at these Irish ancestry figures...

Here are some thoughts...

For what they are worth...

Bradford is not ideally placed, or funded, for this sort of thing...

1.
Censuses throughout the world habitually record and report on the
Birthplaces of people. Occasionally censuses stick in some sort of question
about Ancestry - and answers to these questions are usually a matter of
self-identification.

Ancestry questions are very difficult to interpret. For example, does the
self-identification 'Irish' mean:
a. my favourite grandparent was called O'Shaugnessy?
b. I like an excuse to get drunk on St. Patrick's Day?
c. I get SO depressed sometimes?

Policy makers and polemicists, of one sort or another, are also interested
in 'race' and ethnicity. There are a lot of debates going on about this.
And be warned - Web searches on these themes will lead you into some weird
areas... But, for example, there is the suggestion that census questions
about 'race' are themselves inherently racist. But, without such questions,
how are specific population groups going to find out about their own
specific difficulties and areas of disadvantage...

2.
If you search the Web for information on the figures for the 'Irish in the
USA' your result will be thousands of Web sites chanting... 40 million, 40
million, 40 million...

The 1990 US Census included a question on Ancestry.

Your Web search phrase should be based on the US Census Bureau report -
something like
'Ancestry of U.S. Population'
'Ancestry of the population of the United States'

That will get you things like...

http://lycos.infoplease.com/ipa/A0762137.html

3.
This is a US Census sampling of the 1990 Census...

We see that we have people of Irish ancestry in the USA
38,735,539

And we have Scotch-Irish
5,617,773

It is not clear whether or not any of the Scotch-Irish are included in the
Irish - see note at end of table.

I suppose that normal practice would legitimate rounding up 38,735,539 to 39
million.

And maybe you can round up 39 million to 40 million, in every day
conversation.

Or you could seize some of the Scotch-Irish, and include them in 'Irish' -
'whether they like it or not'.

The answers may lie in the fine detail of the sampling, and the instructions
to the census schedulers.

These are interesting, but I do not know how it works on the ground - for
example 'Black Irish' is coded as 'Irish'. But I do not know what 'Black
Irish' might mean in this context. There is a separate code for 'Northern
Ireland' - and amongst the words that will lead to coding as 'Northern
Ireland' are 'Ulster', 'Ulsterite'. But NOT 'British'. I do not think I
have ever seen the word 'Ulsterite' outside US Census instructions to census
takers...

Ancestry of U.S. Population by Rank, 1990 Census
(Groups with populations exceeding one million)
1990
Rank Ancestry group Number Percent
1 German 57,947,873 23.2%
2 Irish 38,735,539 15.6
3 English 32,651,788 13.1
4 African 23,777,098 9.6
5 Italian 14,664,550 5.9
6 American 12,395,999 5.0
7 Mexican 11,586,983 4.7
8 French 10,320,935 4.1
9 Polish 9,366,106 3.8
10 American Indian 8,708,220 3.5
11 Dutch 6,227,089 2.5
12 Scotch-Irish 5,617,773 2.3
13 Scottish 5,393,581 2.2
14 Swedish 4,680,863 1.9
15 Norwegian 3,869,395 1.6
16 Russian 2,952,987 1.2
17 French Canadian 2,167,127 0.9
18 Welsh 2,033,893 0.8%
19 Spanish 2,024,004 0.8
20 Puerto Rican 1,955,323 0.8
21 Slovak 1,882,897 0.8
22 White 1,799,711 0.7
23 Danish 1,634,669 0.7
24 Hungarian 1,582,302 0.6
25 Chinese 1,505,245 0.6
26 Filipino 1,450,512 0.6
27 Czech 1,296,411 0.5
28 Portuguese 1,153,351 0.5
29 British 1,119,154 0.4
30 Hispanic 1,113,259 0.4
31 Greek 1,110,373 0.4
32 Swiss 1,045,495 0.4
33 Japanese 1,004,645 0.4

'Note: Data are based on a sample and subject to sampling variability. Since
persons who reported multiple ancestries were included in more than one
group, the sum of the persons reporting the ancestry is greater than the
total; for example, a person reporting ?English-French? was tabulated in
both the ?English? and ?French? categories.
Source: U.S. Census Bureau.

4.
You could try to clarify this by looking at things like...

http://www.census.gov/td/stf3/append_h.html
'ANCESTRY

'This section contains the code list for ancestry categories. Each person
enumerated in the census had the opportunity to enter two distinct ancestry
identities which indicated his or her ethnic origin. Each entry received
one of the unique three-digit codes listed below. All codes are listed
below. However, not all ancestry entries are listed. The ancestry codes
can be aggregated to create commonly recognized national groupings. For
example, the code for Walloon can be collapsed with other "Belgian" entries
to form a national grouping representative of an area in Europe. National
groupings can also be collapsed to represent continental areas. For
example, Belgium can be added to France and other European clusters to form
a representation of that continent. "n.e.c." is the abbreviation for not
elsewhere classified.

Note that Irish and Northern Irish are assigned different codes

"Historical Census Statistics on the Foreign-born Population of the United
States: 1850-1990"
Campbell J. Gibson and Emily Lennon
Population Division
U.S. Bureau of the Census
Washington, D.C. 20233-8800
February 1999

POPULATION DIVISION WORKING PAPER NO. 29

http://www.census.gov/population/www/documentation/twps0029/twps0029.html

These issues, of course, affect many other groups, not just the Irish - and
similar discussions take place in other discuyssion groups throughout the
Internet.

5.
The Ancestry information is used by fund-seeking groups, like the
following...

http://www.eringobragh.net/index.htm

'MISSION STATEMENT

'Our mission is to establish a National Irish-American Heritage Museum.
Currently no such museum exists, despite the fact that Irish-Americans are
one of the three largest ethnic groups in America. The Erin Go Bragh
Foundation is a non-profit, 501(c)(3) tax exempt organization...

'There are nearly 23 million Irish-Americans 2. Irish-Americans have been a
major driving force in making our country what it is today. They have
toiled and suffered for the lives we know. Even with the many Irish-American
accomplishments and contributions, there is no National Irish-American
Heritage Museum. Irish-American heritage should be recognized, and that
recognition should come in the form of a National Irish-American Heritage
Museum.

'Our immediate goal is a very simple: Get the ball rolling! If you are
Irish-American please help...

'2. This is the official number according to the US Census Bureau. Other
estimates as to the actual number vary. This number is assumed to be low,
since the Census does not ask people of European extraction for their
specific nationality. Taking this into account some estimates put the true
number of Irish-Americans at approximately 45 million. Other sociologists
have said that if you include people of mixed ethnic background one in four
Americans may have some Irish blood, or about 65 million people.'

6.
There are now new difficulties - in that the US Census Bureau is now
concentrating its efforts on the 2000 Census. And the US Census Bureau
seems to be putting a lot of effort into protecting itself from
genealogists - but the genealogists do give good advice about ways of
reading specific censuses...

Genealogy

http://www.ancestry.com/
has advice for the use of US census to 1920

www.rootsweb.com


7.
a flavour of some of the Debates and Discussions...

http://www1.whitehouse.gov/textonly/OMB/fedreg/directive_15.html

http://www.sodabob.com/Constitution/Census.html

8.
To sum up...

I think that the '40 million' of 'Irish ancestry' must come from that US
Census Sampling - above, point 3. I'd like to see a proper study of that
sample. Any thoughts? Obviously it all lies within specific US ways of
understanding ethnic difference and USA history, and of using 'ethnicity' in
every day life and politics. If the 'favourite grandparent' rule is used
throughout the Irish Diaspora it is not hard to get up to a figure of 70
million. But how many of those would self-identify as 'Irish' is hard to
say...

To be continued...

P.O'S.

- --
Patrick O'Sullivan
Head of the Irish Diaspora Research Unit

Email Patrick O'Sullivan
Email Patrick O'Sullivan

Irish-Diaspora list
Irish Diaspora Studies http://www.brad.ac.uk/acad/diaspora/

Personal Fax National 0870 284 1580
Fax International +44 870 284 1580

Irish Diaspora Research Unit
Department of Interdisciplinary Human Studies
University of Bradford
Bradford BD7 1DP
Yorkshire
England

From Email Patrick O'Sullivan

Remembering that we are still floating between 'Ancestry', which is usually
a matter of self-identification, and 'Birthplace'...

1.
The Australian Census reports have always grouped birthplace material under
'British and Irish', and sometimes, even when talking about the nineteenth
century, 'United Kingdom and Ireland'. The figures are often summarised as
'Anglo-Celtic' - a term which has a particular nest of meanings in
Australia. There have been various attempts to disaggregate the Irish from
the broader figures, for example by locating Catholics and assuming that
they are of Irish origin - which is absurd.

Debates go on, and I understand that, in the 2001 Australian census, the
group 'United Kingdom and Ireland', has been split with 'Ireland' becoming a
single country minor group. I guess that this must mean that Northern
Ireland is counted as part of the United Kingdom, but nothing that I have
seen makes this clear. As ever, it will all depend on the coding and the
schedules... And how individuals interpret the questions...

(As an aside, the 2001 British/United Kingdom Census will include, in the
ethnic identification section, the possibility of self-identication as
Irish. But the construction of the section is baffling - and seems almost
deliberately designed to produce no information...)

On Australia, See

http://www.abs.gov.au/Ausstats/ABS%40.nsf/525a1b9402141235ca25682000146abc/c
22343e458a23fd1ca2569280028f21a!OpenDocument

http://www.aph.gov.au/library/pubs/cib/1996-97/97cib16.htm#SOURCE


2.
An item which manages to get nearly all our mystery figures into one article
is at...

http://www.stroudgate.net/eab/articles/072.html

over the name of Mary Harney, Deputy Prime Minister of the Republic of
Ireland...

'Given their vastly different size, geography, climate, economies and the
fact that they are literally poles apart, it may seem a pointless exercise
to compare Ireland and Australia. But the similarities are many, due in part
to the 7.6m Australians (40% of the population) who claim Irish ancestry.
Australia?s evolution as a nation is inextricably interwoven with the great
Irish diaspora which has scattered 72m people of Irish descent throughout
the world; perhaps their legacy is nowhere more pervasive than in
Australia.'

Mary Harney is Irish Tanaiste
(Deputy Prime Minister) and Minister for Enterprise, Trade, and Employment.

I have no idea quite where Mary Harney got that 7.6 million figure from, or
indeed the 72 million. But looking at the Australian figures, this really
must be the 'favourite grandparent' approach...

P.O'S.

- --
Patrick O'Sullivan
Head of the Irish Diaspora Research Unit

Email Patrick O'Sullivan
Email Patrick O'Sullivan

Irish-Diaspora list
Irish Diaspora Studies http://www.brad.ac.uk/acad/diaspora/

Personal Fax National 0870 284 1580
Fax International +44 870 284 1580

Irish Diaspora Research Unit
Department of Interdisciplinary Human Studies
University of Bradford
Bradford BD7 1DP
Yorkshire
England

From Email Patrick O'Sullivan

I have received some queries about my observation that the US Census codes
'Black Irish' as 'Irish'...

I have pasted in below the relevant US Census Web address, about the
Ancestry codes, plus some relevant coding instructions. It will be seen
that 'Black Irish' is coded as 050, in the Irish section. 'Black Irish' is
not included in the 900 codes, the African-American section.

I say again, these census Ancestry questions are a matter of
self-identification. Yes, this does suggest that in the sacramental
quietness of the census return, a number of US citizens, when asked to
specify their own perception of their Ancestry, do chose 'Black Irish'.
What do they mean by 'Black Irish'? How big a number? We don't know -
because 'Black Irish' is coded as 'Irish'. A significant number? We don't
know - but a regular enough occurrence for the US Census authorities to
specify the code in their guidelines.

Obviously, other people are better placed than I am to take this exploration
further. It is an interesting example of the use of the Web - because,
without the US Census Web site, it would be very difficult, over here, to
lay hands on these coding guidelines. And it is an interesting example of
the complex background questions, which I mentioned in an earlier email -
the different censuses and census regimes, which change over time and space.

P.O'S.


http://www.census.gov/td/stf3/append_h.html

APPENDIX H. Code Lists
CONTENTS

Ancestry H--1

ANCESTRY

'This section contains the code list for ancestry categories. Each person
enumerated in the census had the opportunity to enter two distinct ancestry
identities which indicated his or her ethnic origin. Each entry received
one of the unique three-digit codes listed below. All codes are listed
below. However, not all ancestry entries are listed. The ancestry codes
can be aggregated to create commonly recognized national groupings. For
example, the code for Walloon can be collapsed with other "Belgian" entries
to form a national grouping representative of an area in Europe. National
groupings can also be collapsed to represent continental areas. For
example, Belgium can be added to France and other European clusters to form
a representation of that continent. "n.e.c." is the abbreviation for not
elsewhere classified.'

050 IRISH
050 Black Irish
050 Clare
050 Cork
050 Donegal
050 Dubliner
050 Eire
050 Galway
050 Ireland
050 Irish Free State
050 Kerry
050 Kildare
050 Kilkenny
050 Laoighis
050 Leitrim
050 Leix
050 Limerick
050 Longford
050 Louth
050 Mayo
050 Meath
050 Monaghan
050 Offaly
050 Roscommon
050 Sligo
050 Tipperary
050 Waterford
050 Westmeath
050 Wexford
050 Wicklow

081 NORTH IRISH
081 Antrim
081 Armagh
081 Derry
081 Down
081 Fermanagh
081 Londonderry
081 Northern Ireland
081 Orangeman
081 Tyrone
081 Ulster

087 SCOTCH-IRISH
087 Scot-Irish

099 CELTIC
099 Celtic

900-994 NORTH AMERICA (EXCEPT HISPANIC)
900-912 AFRICAN AMERICAN
900 AFRO AMERICAN
901 AFRO
902 AFRICAN AMERICAN
903 BLACK
904 NEGRO
905 NONWHITE
906 COLORED
906 Bilalian
906 Nigritian
907 CREOLE
908-912 MULATTO


END OF EXTRACTS>>>

- --
Patrick O'Sullivan
Head of the Irish Diaspora Research Unit

Email Patrick O'Sullivan
Email Patrick O'Sullivan

Irish-Diaspora list
Irish Diaspora Studies http://www.brad.ac.uk/acad/diaspora/

Personal Fax National 0870 284 1580
Fax International +44 870 284 1580

Irish Diaspora Research Unit
Department of Interdisciplinary Human Studies
University of Bradford
Bradford BD7 1DP
Yorkshire
England

From: David Gleeson

Noel,

You may know this already, but John Kennedy Toole's A Confederacy of
Dunces is the hilarious account of the adventures of one Ignatius
Reilly--one of Irish New Orlean's strangest (ficticious) characters.
Some New Orleanians talk about the "Irish Channel accent" which heavily
influences the New Orleans accent. City natives do not speak like the
rest of Louisianians, and that includes the Cajun sections. JKT
compared the accent to that of people in Hoboken, NJ.

The late Earl Niehaus's The Irish in New Orleans tells some of the
background on the two Irish Channels. My own work on Irish immigrants
in the South, due out next Fall with the University of North Carolina
Press, also deals with Irish New Orleans. Of course the Irish lived
everywhere in the antebellum Crescent City, not just in the old
Lafayette section between Magazine St. and the Mississippi River. There
were lots of other people in that section too. People are often shocked
to find two Catholic churches across the street from each other in the
Channel. One was Irish and the other was German.

Anway, hope this of use to you and influences you and others when they
visit "The Big Easy" to drag themselves away from Bourbon St. and check
out Camp St. and
Magazine St. etc., (in the daytime of course!).



David Gleeson

Dept. of History
Armstrong Atlantic State University
Savannah, GA 31419

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Noel,
You may know this already, but John Kennedy Toole's  A
Confederacy
of Dunces is the hilarious account of the adventures of one Ignatius
Reilly--one of Irish New Orlean's strangest (ficticious) characters. 
Some New Orleanians talk about the "Irish Channel accent" which heavily
influences the New Orleans accent.  City natives do not speak like
the rest of Louisianians, and that includes the Cajun sections.  JKT
compared the accent to that of people in Hoboken, NJ.
The late Earl Niehaus's The Irish in New Orleans tells some of
the background on the two Irish Channels.  My own work on Irish
immigrants
in the South, due out next Fall with the University of North Carolina Press,
also deals with Irish New Orleans.  Of course the Irish lived
everywhere
in the antebellum Crescent City, not just in the old Lafayette section
between Magazine St. and the Mississippi River.  There were lots of
other people in that section too.  People are often shocked to find
two Catholic churches across the street from each other in the
Channel. 
One was Irish and the other was German.
Anway, hope this of use to you and influences you and others when they
visit "The Big Easy" to drag themselves away from Bourbon St. and check
out Camp St. and
Magazine St. etc., (in the daytime of course!).
 
 
David Gleeson
Dept. of History
Armstrong Atlantic State University
Savannah, GA 31419

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Forwarded, for information, from the H-ethnic list....

ASSIMILATION - DIASPORIZATION - REPRESENTATION
Historical Perspectives on
Immigrants and Host Societies in Postwar Europe

Humboldt University, Berlin, October 26-28, 2000

This report summarizes the proceedings of a three-day workshop on post-1945
European migration history organized by the Working Group on European
Migration History, in cooperation with the Research Group on the Comparison
of Societies (Forschergruppe Gesellschaftsvergleich) and the Chair for
Demography (Bev=F6lkerungswissenschaft) at Humboldt University. The workshop
was generously sponsored by the Hertie Foundation, the Bundeszentrale f=FCr
politische Bildung, Au=DFenstelle Berlin, the Forschergruppe
Gesellschaftsvergleich, and Siemens Berlin. Workshop panels and roundtable
discussions were held in the historic Main Building (Hauptgeb=E4ude) of
Humboldt University, in Berlin. The workshop featured panels and
presentations reflecting a variety of research interests, methodological
approaches, and theoretical predilections. As a whole, the various
contributions challenged much of the received wisdom in the field and
indicated new directions for future research. The workshop's first session
examined post-1945 migratory movements and their determinants. Phil
Triadafilopoulos' presentation compared the causes and consequences of
compulsory population transfers, using the 1923 Greek-Turkish exchange of
populations and the 1945 transfer of ethnic Germans as case studies.
Triadafilopoulos emphasized the various factors that account for
'internationally sanctioned' forced population movements and concluded by
noting that the two cases taken up in his paper cautioned against the
implementation of 'engineered ethnic unmixing' in the future. Catalin
Turliuc discussed Jewish emigration from Romania between 1945-1965. Turliuc
noted that a combination of political and economic factors propelled the
flight of Jews from Romania to Israel during this period. The regulation of
'exit' by Romania's post-WWII communist regime was among the most important
factors in structuring this migration. In the session's third presentation,
Hill Kulu compared post-1945 migration in Western Europe and Estonia. Kulu
noted that, like Western European countries, Estonia became an immigration
area due to labor requirements generated by post-war economic
reconstruction and expansion. Important differences in the two cases were
also highlighted, the most important of which was Estonia's place in the
former Soviet Union. This fact is critical in understanding the nature of
post-1945 migration patterns in Estonia. Taken together, the three papers
highlighted the intersection of political, economic, and country-specific
factors that influenced the development of European migration movements in
the post-1945 era. The concepts of identity and representation served as
organizing themes for the workshop's second and third sessions.
Presentations combined detailed historical research with theoretically
informed considerations of identity and its determinants. This merging of
more 'traditional' historical methods and 'state-of-the-art' theorizing on
identity was among the highpoints of the workshop. Volodymyr Kulyk examined
the shaping of Ukrainian Displaced Persons' identities in Germany and
Austria from 1945-1950. Kulyk's research involved a myriad of sources
including a surprising number of newspapers written and printed by
displaced Ukrainians in German and Austrian camps. Angelika Eder's
ambitious study of Polish immigrants in Hamburg revealed the benefits of a
diachronic study of a particular group in a specific context. Eder's
presentation revealed the complex nature of this particular migrant group
and the utility of combining ethnographic methods with historical analysis
in making sense of this complexity. Similarly, Andrea Klimt and Isa Blumi's
presentations shed much needed light on the lives of Portuguese and
Albanian migrants in Western Europe while also reflecting critically on the
utility of concepts such as 'diaspora', 'homeland', and 'national
identity'. Judith Fai-Podlipnik's presentation on Magyar expatriates in
Europe and North America exposed the degree to which an otherwise cohesive
'ethno-national' group can be fractured by ideological and political
differences. Laure Teuli=E8res presentation took up the difficult question
o=
f
memory in France's immigration history. Teuli=E8rs elegant and probing
discussion exposed the tension inherent in 'remembering' the immigrant
histories of particular groups in a country still influenced by a strong
republican legacy that seeks to minimize 'difference'. Pertti Ahonen's
presentation focussed on the public representation of expellees and the
expulsions in West Germany between the 1940s and the 1970s, with a
particular emphasis on how these representations affected the expellees'
integration into West Germany's political and social structures. Ahonen
reminded us of how important the 'expellee problem' was for West Germany's
post-war political development. The presentations that constituted the
workshop's fourth session, entitled "Labor Migration and Incorporation,"
challenged some of the key arguments and assumptions of the existing
literature on post-war labour migrations, including the periodization
typically applied to the migrations and their social consequences. The
prevailing wisdom holds that the presence of guest workers in countries
such as West Germany did not become a widely discussed social problem until
the early 1970s, at which point an economic downturn unleashed a wave of
public agonizing about the seemingly permanent presence of the foreign
workers and caused growing labor unrest even among the previously quiescent
guest workers. However, as Anne von Oswald, Karen Schoenwaelder and Barbara
Sonnenberger convincingly argued, these assumptions need to be re-examined.
Public discussions about the long-term implications of post-war labor
migration in Western Europe became noticeable already in the 1960s, well
before the economic crises of the early 1970s, and so did labor unrest
among the guest workers. Another major oversight in the existing literature
has been the tendency to ignore the diversity of the incoming labor
migrants, particularly in gender terms. As several papers, including those
by Eleanore Kofman, Umut Erel and Esra Erdem, made clear, the old
stereotype of the typical guest worker as either a single young male or a
married man whose wife was confined to economic inactivity in the domestic
sphere simply does not hold up. Gender roles in many guest worker families
were in fact much more complex than previously acknowledged, and
considerable numbers of women were actively engaged in the migrant labor
force from an early stage. The role of women in the postwar labor
migrations therefore requires much closer and more sophisticated study than
it has so far received. Overall, the various contributions thus brought
forward a variety of new challenges to the established understanding of the
dynamics of post-war labor migration, which future scholarship will have to
tackle head-on. Similar challenges were also evident in two further
sessions that focused on a related problem, the nature of European
political responses to the post-war migrations, an issue addressed by
several participants, including Damir Skenderovic, Hallvard Tjelmeland and
Matthias Beer. Contrary to widespread belief, the rise of fearful,
xenophobic reactions to foreign immigrants in post-war Europe does not
correlate causally with either major economic downturns or particularly
large levels of immigration. The key determinant of political action
appears instead to have been a popular perception of threat and crisis,
typically fanned and exploited by opportunistic politicians and media
elites. Accordingly, in Switzerland anti-immigration political forces
scored striking successes as early as 1970/1971, at a time of rapid
economic growth, and in Norway, in similar economic conditions and around
the same time, the arrival of a few hundred Pakistani immigrants was enough
to provoke panicky public discussions that soon induced the government to
impose tight restrictions on further immigration. Far from being rooted in
objective realities, political responses to immigration have thus been
largely shaped by shifting, perceived exigencies of the moment, although
certain longer-term continuities have also been in evidence, particularly
in the rhetoric of the political right, which in Switzerland, for example,
has employed the same kinds of racialist terms and concepts through most of
the twentieth century. A special session organized in the form of a panel
discussion moved beyond specific problems in post-war migration in Europe
and sought to analyze the field of migration studies as a whole,
identifying methodological and political challenges for future work in this
area. The centrality of gender as an analytical tool was stressed again in
this context, as was the importance of comparative studies and
perspectives. One of the presentations and much of the discussion in fact
moved beyond the geographical confines of Europe, emphasizing the need to
integrate migrations and their various consequences fully into the global
history of the twentieth century. This project of bringing one of the
central developments of the twentieth century to its rightful place would
obviously serve scholarly purposes, but it could also have beneficial
political consequences. As Rainer Ohliger pointed out in his contribution,
the incorporation of the experiences of migrants into the various national
narratives that still dominate education and public discussions in most
countries, in Europe and beyond, could work as an instrument of inclusion,
giving a stronger voice to groups that are all too often left to languish
on the margins of national experience. The workshop also featured a
presentation by Patrik Veglian on Les Etrangers en France, a guide to
public and private archival sources dealing with immigration to France in
the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, produced and published by the
=46rench NGO G=E9n=E9riques (http://www.generiques.org). Following Mr.
Vegli=
an's
presentation, workshop participants discussed the possibility of similar
publications for other immigration countries, such as Germany. A consensus
emerged regarding the importance of such projects and the need to encourage
their production and publication in the future. The workshop showcased the
utility of historically focussed research methods in making better sense of
Europe's post-1945 immigration experience. Participants learned from each
other, challenged one another's assumptions, and established important
scholarly and personal contacts. It was, in short, a successful meeting on
many levels, and the publication of selected contributions in the near
future will undoubtedly do much to promote fruitful debate in the field of
migration studies as a whole.

Pertti Ahonen (Sheffield University)
Phil Triadafilopoulos (New School for Social Research, New York)

From: "Ruth-Ann M. Harris"
Subject: article in American Economic Review

Hello Paddy,
I want to draw to the Ir-D list's attention an excellent article by
Morgan
Kelly and Cormac O'Grada in the December 2000 issue of The American
Economic Review on immigrant savings behavior. Called "Market
Contagion: Evidence from the Panics of 1854 and 1857," [pp. 1110-1124]
the authors examined the behavior of Irish depositors in a New York bank in
two panics in the 1850s to test a model of contagion where individuals hear
bad news and communicate it to their acquaintances, who then pass it on,
leading to market panic. They found that as recent immigrants their social
network was determined largely by their place of origin in Ireland, and
where they lived in New York. During both panics this social network
turned out to be the prime determinant of behavior. Very interesting for
what it says about the behavior of immigrants. Findings from another
source, drawing on the behavior of depositors, concludes that immigrants
saved considerable amounts of money within a short period after arrival in
America.
Ruth-Ann Harris



Ruth-Ann M. Harris, Adjunct Prof of History and Irish Studies, Boston
College
Note new e-mail address: harrisrd[at]bc.edu
Home Phone: (617)522-4361; FAX:(617)983-0328; Office Phone:(617)552-1571
Summer and Weekend Number: (Phone) (603) 938-2660

From: Marion Casey
Subject: Black Irish

Hello Paddy,

It seems to me that we have to consider the possibility that "Black
Irish" as coded in the U.S. Census does not reflect mixed African
American and Irish ancestry, but that old expression signifying those
Irish with black hair and darker skin than the "typical" Irish look (the
so-called descendants of the Spanish Armada -- but let's not get into
the validity of that!). It seems very odd that Black Irish is coded
among the other Irish categories but not among the African American. Is
there an equivalent code for Black English or Black French? I'd be
willing to bet there isn't. "Black Irish" may be an answer akin to
"Scotch Irish" and therefore not something that should be deconstructed
literally. In other words, perhaps it's a colloquial marker that has
been handed down through the generations -- in which case it raises some
interesting questions about perceived differences among the Irish in
America that are broader than we have been inclined to consider. Just
some thoughts!

Marion Casey
Department of History
New York University

From: "Bronwen Walter"
Subject: Re: Ir-D Black Irish

Dear Paddy

Another contribution to the 'Black Irish' debate. David Roediger, in The
Wages of Whiteness' 1991) comments

'In family arguments, my paternal (all-German) relatives floated the idea
that the Irish heritage of my maternal relatives was a Black one, as the
'Black Irish' had resulted from intermixing with shipwrecked slaves' (p.4).

All the best

Bronwen Walter
Geography Dept
Anglia Polytechnic University
From:
To:
Sent: Friday, December 15, 2000 7:10 AM
Subject: Ir-D Black Irish


>
>
>
> From: Marion Casey
> Subject: Black Irish
>
> Hello Paddy,
>
> It seems to me that we have to consider the possibility that "Black
> Irish" as coded in the U.S. Census does not reflect mixed African
> American and Irish ancestry, but that old expression signifying those
> Irish with black hair and darker skin than the "typical" Irish look (the
> so-called descendants of the Spanish Armada -- but let's not get into
> the validity of that!). It seems very odd that Black Irish is coded
> among the other Irish categories but not among the African American. Is
> there an equivalent code for Black English or Black French? I'd be
> willing to bet there isn't. "Black Irish" may be an answer akin to
> "Scotch Irish" and therefore not something that should be deconstructed
> literally. In other words, perhaps it's a colloquial marker that has
> been handed down through the generations -- in which case it raises some
> interesting questions about perceived differences among the Irish in
> America that are broader than we have been inclined to consider. Just
> some thoughts!
>
> Marion Casey
> Department of History
> New York University
>

From: "noel gilzean"
Subject: noel de pere

Dear all
Thanks for the replies to my query on New Orleans.
May I wish you all a Happy Christmas
Noel de pere

From: Hilary Robinson
Subject: Re: Ir-D Black Irish

A colleague here at Univ. Ulster, Bill Hart, has done some research on
black (african) presence in 18th C Ireland, and was telling me that those
who were 'black' were called 'blue', and that this was how the nomenclature
was distinct from the 'black Irish'. He also said that there is evidence
this has persisted - there was in recent times a black (african) man who
had a street stall in Dublin, who was nicknamed 'the blue man'.

hilary

>From: Marion Casey
>Subject: Black Irish
>
>Hello Paddy,
>
>It seems to me that we have to consider the possibility that "Black
>Irish" as coded in the U.S. Census does not reflect mixed African
>American and Irish ancestry, but that old expression signifying those
>Irish with black hair and darker skin than the "typical" Irish look (the
>so-called descendants of the Spanish Armada -- but let's not get into
>the validity of that!). It seems very odd that Black Irish is coded
>among the other Irish categories but not among the African American. Is
>there an equivalent code for Black English or Black French? I'd be
>willing to bet there isn't. "Black Irish" may be an answer akin to
>"Scotch Irish" and therefore not something that should be deconstructed
>literally. In other words, perhaps it's a colloquial marker that has
>been handed down through the generations -- in which case it raises some
>interesting questions about perceived differences among the Irish in
>America that are broader than we have been inclined to consider. Just
>some thoughts!
>
>Marion Casey
>Department of History
>New York University


_______________________________

Dr. Hilary Robinson
School of Art and Design
University of Ulster at Belfast
York Street
Belfast BT15 1ED
Northern Ireland
UK


direct phone/fax: (+44) (0) 28 9026.7291)