Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: Article,
Social Pacts as Coalitions of the Weak and Moderate: Ireland,
Italy and South Korea in Comparative Perspective
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European Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 13, No. 1, 27-46 (2007)
DOI: 10.1177/0959680107073965
C 2007 SAGE Publications
Social Pacts as Coalitions of the Weak and Moderate: Ireland, Italy and
South Korea in Comparative Perspective
Lucio Baccaro

Massachusetts Institute of Technology, USA

Sang-Hoon Lim

Hanyang University, SOUTH KOREA

This article examines the emergence and institutionalization of social pacts
in Ireland, Italy and South Korea. It argues that pacts emerge as deals
between a weak government faced with a political-economic crisis and the
more moderate sections of the trade union movement, and are
institutionalized when (and if) organized employers come to support them
fully. The unions become strategically committed to a social pact if the
moderate factions prevail over the radical. Decision-making rules bringing
the preferences of the rank-and-file to bear on the process of
organizational decision-making seem to help the moderate union factions. The
robustness of the analysis is tested by examining briefly a number of
counterfactual cases.


Key Words: concertation . corporatism . Ireland . Italy . Korea . social
pacts

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: Book Review, Identity in Narrative: A Study of Immigrant Discourse
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Journal of Sociolinguistics

Volume 11 Issue 2 Page 300 - April 2007=20

To cite this article: Michael Toolan (2007)=20
Identity in Narrative: A Study of Immigrant Discourse by Anna De Fina=20
Journal of Sociolinguistics 11 (2), 300=E2=80=93303.=20

BOOK REVIEWS
Identity in Narrative: A Study of Immigrant Discourse by Anna De Fina
Anna De Fina. Identity in Narrative: A Study of Immigrant Discourse =
(Studies in Narrative). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 2003. =
251 pp. Hb (9027226431) =E2=82=AC85.00/(1588114325) $102.00.

EXTRACT
When a definition of =E2=80=98ethnicity=E2=80=99 is sought, the usual =
old Irish goulash of factors =E2=80=93 cultural, biological, =
psychological, religious, nationality, shared language, and shared =
heritage =E2=80=93 tends to be served up. And like the Law Lords who =
struggled with the Mandla case and tried to find a way of treating =
Sikhism as an ethnic group and Rastafarianism as not, the effort to keep =
different factors separate is often undertaken. But as someone once =
said, it's not so good when each thing is =E2=80=98cooked by =
itself=E2=80=99 whereas in that barrel of odds and ends we call a human =
being it is different: =E2=80=98things get mixed up, and the juice kind =
of swaps around, and the things go better.=E2=80=99 De Fina circumvents =
the law lords' kind of difficulty, understandably focussing on =
narrators' own =E2=80=98ethnic references=E2=80=99 (as she calls them) =
to themselves and to others in the stories they told. For instance, the =
more frequent ethnic reference terms for others included hispano, =
americano, negro, moreno (dark-skinned) and salvadore=C3=B1o.

The question of just how decisive a mention (or two) is remains an =
interesting one, in my view. If a personal narrator mentions once in =
their story that they have Irish roots, have they thereby performed or =
construed or asserted an Irish ethnic identity? Could just one mention =
of an ethnicity be construed as in part a flirting with that ethnic =
identity, but more prominently a denial of any particular ethnicity? I =
see no principled, generalizable way of answering that question: it =
would seem to be a matter of interpretation, done on a case by case =
basis.

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: Literacy in English Gypsy Communities: Cultural Capital
Manifested as Negative Assets
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American Educational Research Journal, Vol. 44, No. 1, 5-39 (2007)
DOI: 10.3102/0002831206298174
C 2007 AERASection on Social and Institutional Analysis

Literacy in English Gypsy Communities: Cultural Capital Manifested as
Negative Assets
Martin P. Levinson

University of Exeter


The attribution of low literacy levels among Gypsy children to difficulties
of access to schools neglects underlying sociocultural explanations. There
has been little analysis in reports/studies of Gypsy attitudes toward
literacy, nor of outcomes of acquisition. Informed by new literacy theory
and by the discourse of previous ethnographic studies, and by acculturation
theories, this article draws on findings from an ethnographic study of
English Gypsies (1996-2000), and data from a follow-up study, involving
original and additional participants (2005-2006). The article explores
attitudes across age groups, highlighting social reasons for resistance to
literacy, and argues that policy makers should consider effects on group
membership and ways in which formal literacy can constitute a mechanism for
disempowerment.


Key Words: acculturation . group boundaries . Gypsies . integration .
literacy

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: TOC Irish Educational Studies Volume 26 Issue 2 2007
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Irish Educational Studies: Volume 26 Issue 2=20

Editorial p. 123
Authors: Ciaran Sugrue;=A0 Dympna Devine;=A0 Paul Conway; Emer Smyth

The Revised Programme of Instruction, 1900=961922 p. 127
Authors: Thomas Walsh

Teacher professional development and ICT: an investigation of teachers
studying a postgraduate award in ICT in education p. 145
Authors: Oliver McGarr; John O'Brien

Teacher Design Teams (TDTs)=97building capacity for innovation, learning =
and
curriculum implementation in the continuing professional development of
in-career teachers p. 163
Authors: Geraldine Mooney Simmie

Student teachers=92 prior experiences of history, geography and science:
initial findings of an all-Ireland survey p. 177
Authors: Fionnuala Waldron;=A0 Susan Pike;=A0 Janet Varley;=A0 Colette =
Murphy;
Richard Greenwood

Student discourse on physical activity and sport among Irish young =
people p.
195
Authors: Connie Collier;=A0 Ann MacPhail; Mary O'Sullivan

BOOK REVIEW=20

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Carmel McCaffrey
Subject: [Fwd: Tara Campaign - an update]
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FYI a letter sent out by Muireann Ni Bhrolch=E1in concerning the Tara iss=
ue.

--------------------

Hello everyone,
Just to give you an update again. The discovery of a National Monument=20
at Lismullin smack bang in the route of the M3 has caused huge waves of=20
publicity for the cause and also a wave of public sympathy. On the=20
website you will find the press coverage and press releases etc. The=20
Minister is now considering the advice he has received from the National=20
Museum. Part of the monument is still on private property.
Thank you for your continuing support. There are letters flooding in to=20
the papers here - if you could pen a quick letter it would be great.=20
There are letters every single day - at least 2 per day.
Also mention the cause whenever any of you may be on radio or TV.
It is becoming an election issue here at home with various parties now=20
supportive of our cause. The commitment to re-route is part of the=20
Labour Party Election manifesto for example.
We are asking people at home to vote for pro-Tara candidates and to=20
raise the issue when the politicians call to the door.
Muireann - Save Tara Campaign 087-9249510
.........................................................................=
.....
For information we are having an election publicity launch in Navan -=20
and this notice just went out from the Campaign.
Election Publicity Launch
The Campaign to save Tara cordially invite you to the launch of our=20
election strategy for County Meath on Monday 14th May in the Tara Suite=20
of the Ardboyne Hotel, Navan at 3.00pm. Speakers on the occasion=20
include Duncan Stewart, Dr. Muireann Ni Bhrolchain, Claire Oakes, Eamonn=20
Matthews and Michael Canney. Detailed aerial shots of the excavations on=20
the route will be on display including the henge at Lismullin.
RSVP Kevin 086 - 2504564
email: kevinhayestara[at]eircom.net or election[at]savetara.com
.........................................................................=
.......
I have created a special photobucket of photos of Lismullin taken over a=20
4 month period. I think that they are self-explanatory but the aerial=20
shots show how close the henge site is to the wood that was so savagely=20
removed. At one end of the huge site is Rath Lugh also damaged and at=20
the other is the wood. In between is the henge itself, associated=20
features and a canine burial.
Also visit http://www.savetara.com where you will see previous=20
statements and press releases issued on the damage to this area and the=20
flouting of ministerial directions in January 2007
This is where the unfortunate accident occurred. If using the aerial=20
shots please credit Paul Geraghty who took them for the Campaign.
http://s168.photobucket.com/albums/u167/muireanntemair/Lismullin%20Jan%20=
-%20April%202007/=20

.

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: "Dean, Joan F."
Subject: Toibin
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List members may be interested in Colm Toibin's short story "One Minus =
One" in the 7 May 2007 New Yorker, not least because it is narrated by =
an ex-pat who says "I do not believe in Ireland" (and his experience =
suggests something else).

Joan Dean

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Steven Mccabe
Subject: Book review by Cal McCrystal - 'The Neutral Island' by Clair
Wills
In-Reply-To: A
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I believe that this book may will be of interest to the Diaspora and =
have copied the review by Cal McCrystal form yesterday's Independent on =
Sunday.=20

Steven


FABER =A325
That Neutral Island, by Clair Wills=20
Bread was black and so was propaganda=20
By Cal McCrystal=20
Published: 13 May 2007=20
One day in 1939 when I was three, my father planted a half coconut shell =
in our Belfast garden, promising a tree with coconuts galore "when =
you're a big boy". At that point, my anxious mother ushered us indoors =
to a squawking, wet-battery wireless. I couldn't decipher the squawks, =
but I do remember one or other parent saying: "It's war!"=20

More than four years later, my mother having died from unrelated causes, =
I was sent to boarding school south across the Irish border. By then =
Belfast had been severely blitzed by Hitler's bombers, and its surviving =
citizens were relying on prayer, stiff upper-lips and rationed =
foodstuffs. Being a prep boarder in neutral =C9ire (as the Republic of =
Ireland was then called) seemed a rosy prospect.

It turned out to be not so rosy. Subjects were taught (not well) in the =
Irish language. Catholicism cloyed. Patriotism was measured in decibels. =
There was a self-conscious assertiveness about being Irish that took =
some getting used to among us handful from "the Black North" and the few =
French refugee children who had escaped Nazi occupation and were =
boarding with us. The revered name on most lips was that of Eamon de =
Valera, the prime minister, or taoiseach, who had declared Ireland =
neutral in the European war.

By then neutrality had ceased to be (if it ever really was) a =
comfortable condition. The flow of fresh eggs, meat, alcohol and assured =
rhetoric had dwindled pitifully. Bread was black. Trade was drastically =
curtailed. Foreign travel was restricted by permit. Dead sailors were =
being washed up on Irish shores. Censorship was all-enveloping. No =
longer was there widespread indifference to the war, as in its first =
years when, as Clair Wills observes, Ireland had become "a land of =
fairy-tale peace, far removed from the battle front, while its =
inhabitants were arraigned for their detachment from reality, their =
isolation and myopia". We preppies mourned the absence of chocolate, =
bananas and chewing-gum (minor deprivations compared with what was being =
endured elsewhere).

Just as painfully constant as these and other shortages were the =
arguments about Ireland's neutrality. They never quite floated out of my =
life, even long after my father remarried and I returned to gritty =
Belfast. So I was easily and utterly captivated by Prof. Wills's =
outstanding account of neutrality's effects on a vulnerable, generally =
steadfast community, its writers, actors, teachers, farmers, =
politicians; the resident Anglo-Irish and the Irish-Irish abroad; its =
self-regard and its vilification of, and by, others as war raged all =
around.

Even today, Ireland's neutrality is regarded by not a few Britons - and =
Americans - as Ireland's shame. In Ireland, of course, the memory is =
different. As the Irish historian Terence Brown explained, a =
quarter-century ago, in Ireland: A Social and Cultural History =
1922-1985, for much of the population the war years "were simply a =
continuation of pre-war experience, in economically straitened =
circumstances, with the language, national sovereignty, religion and the =
protection of Irish distinctiveness as the dominant topics of =
intellectual and cultural concern in a society still moulded by its =
essential conservatism, with talk, drink, sport and other local =
activities absorbing energies spared from the rigours of life".

Nevertheless, the pro-neutrality writer Se=E1n O'Faol=E1in lamented in =
1945: "We emerge a little dulled, bewildered, deflated." And I must say =
that Clair Wills has recorded that hazing, dazing, dispraising period =
with wonderful flair and detail, separating fact from fiction, truth =
from propaganda (of which, of course, there was a surfeit).

Some incidents and statements seem risible today. Among guidelines drawn =
up a jittery Dublin government in 1940 was a warning to people to stay =
in their homes in the event of a German or British invasion. "Don't let =
[the enemy] get their hands on cars or bicycles... avoid flying glass, =
lie down if you get caught in a raid." A sullen IRA was suspected of =
supplying petrol to German U-boats, despite a dreadful Irish scarcity of =
fuel and the fact that U-boats didn't run on petrol anyway. Even so, the =
Irish intelligence outfit, G2, did seize an IRA note on its way to =
Germany, recommending a final blitz on Belfast which would spare =
republican areas (helpful map provided for the Luftwaffe).

The Luftwaffe sometimes got it wrong, "accidentally" bombing five areas =
of Ireland's east coast in 1941. News of this was censored to prevent =
anti-German feeling. At the same time there was a lot of pro-German =
feeling, especially among the Catholic clergy and their pious votaries. =
The main Catholic paper, The Standard, covered the fall of France =
without mentioning dead or wounded. Its readers were kept in ignorance =
of the British Expeditionary Force and of Dunkirk. "Instead, they =
learned of the masterful diplomacy of Marshal P=E9tain."

Blue-shirted Irish fascists strutted their stuff, "explicitly linking =
themselves to rightwing movements on the Continent". People popped up =
who, while not overtly favouring Hitler, heiled the regimes of Franco in =
Spain and Salazar in Portugal, and called for the banning of foreign =
dances, sport and fashion, and penal servitude and the lash for those =
trading in condoms - at a time when Irish illegitimacy rates were at a =
record high. Below the surface anti-semitism festered.

Yet, on reading Prof Wills's exhaustive account, it becomes clear that =
Ireland's neutrality was, in fact, a pro-British neutrality. Although =
the German Reich maintained a strong diplomatic and intelligence =
presence on the Emerald Isle it achieved little, whereas secret Irish =
intelligence and strategic liaisons with Britain and America endured - a =
point well made 20 years ago by Roy Foster in his Modern Ireland =
1600-1972.

In other words, despite all the distress, anger and pride that =
accompanied neutrality, there was a hidden official ambivalence which =
tilted towards the Allies, yet emphasised the young nation's independent =
spirit. Malcolm MacDonald recalled in 1972 (in Titans and Others) de =
Valera telling him that if Ireland joined the war Hitler would invade =
the militarily weak island as a stepping stone to Britain, whereas he =
wouldn't dare attack it if neutral. Churchill dismissed this argument =
(he had no time for the southern Irish or their aspirations).

The British memory of Ireland's detachment from the war has since been =
somewhat eclipsed by time, by other preoccupations, and by a cultural =
and economic Irish prosperity capable, it occasionally seems, of =
producing its own crop of coconuts galore. This is an invaluable jog to =
it.

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: Exhibition, Salford, Jim Arnison,
From Hanky Park to the Unity Flats
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Forwarded on behalf of
Working Class Movement Library, 51 The Crescent, Salford M5 4WX
Phone number 0161 736 3601
Email address enquiries[at]wcml.org.uk
websites www.wcml.org.uk=20


From Hanky Park to the Unity Flats:=20

A new exhibition at the Working Class Movement Library

Opening reception 21 May 6pm

All welcome

Jim Arnison, previously Northern correspondent of the Morning Star, was =
very
involved in the politics of the North of Ireland from the 1970s onwards.
This exhibition traces the story of his family and its connection to
significant events at the time of the Troubles.=A0 It includes material =
from
the Working Class Movement Library's extensive Irish collections, =
including
documents, photographs, and letters written on cigarette papers by
Republican prisoners and smuggled out of Long Kesh.=A0 The exhibition =
will
run until at least=A0 the end of June, Tues-Fri 10-5.

The Working Class Movement Library is an internationally renowned =
collection
of the history of the trade union, labour movement and socialist =
movement
over the past 200 years. It has an extensive Irish collection derived =
from
the libraries of two noted historians of Ireland: C Desmond Greaves and =
T A
Jackson.

Visitors and researchers most welcome by prior appointment.=20
=20
=20
Working Class Movement Library, 51 The Crescent, Salford M5 4WX
Phone number 0161 736 3601
Email address enquiries[at]wcml.org.uk
websites www.wcml.org.uk=20

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Tony Murray
Subject: Irish Writers in London Summer School 2007
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Dear Paddy,

I would be grateful if you would alert list members to the forthcoming=20
course.

Thanks,

Tony


Tony Murray
Irish Studies Centre
London Metropolitan University

Tel: 020 7133 2593
www.londonmet.ac.uk/irishstudiescentre



Irish Writers in London Summer School 2007


First established by the Irish Studies Centre in 1996, this unique=20
course runs for two nights per week for six weeks and aims to provide an=20
informal but informative setting for students wishing to study Irish=20
literature over the summer. Each week an established Irish writer comes=20
to read and discuss their work with students who learn about a broad=20
spectrum of literature and gain valuable insights into the different=20
approaches such writing involves. The course also includes the=20
opportunity to participate in related cultural events such as the London=20
=91Bloomsday=92 celebrations and a walking tour of =91Irish London=92.

Guest writers at this year=92s summer school include:
poet Bernard O=92Donoghue, novelists and short story writers Gretta=20
Mulrooney, Peter Tremayne and Lana Citron as well as journalist and=20
comedian John Ryan

N.B. Whilst this is not a creative writing course it will compliment=20
such a course of study at London Metropolitan University or elsewhere.=20
No prior qualifications are required to attend.


Dates: 7th June =96 Friday 13th July, 2006
Times: Tuesday and Thursday evenings 6 - 8.30pm

Standard Fees:
=A3110 (non-credit bearing)
=A3185 (credit bearing: 15 credits)

Concessionary Fees (Non Credit Bearing only):
=A375 (for Londonmet students and former Summer School students)

Venue: London Metropolitan University
Holloway Rd, London N7 8DB (Nearest tube Holloway Road)

Further course details:
Tony Murray on 0207 133 2593 or t.murray[at]londonmet.ac.uk

To enrol:
www.londonmet.ac.uk/depts/hal/shortcourses
email: halshortcourses[at]londonmet.ac.uk tel: 0207 133 4398



Guest Writers 2007

Peter Tremayne is the fiction-writing pseudonym of the Celtic scholar=20
and author Peter Berresford Ellis. He was born in Coventry in 1943 the=20
son of a Cork born journalist. Although Peter took his degrees in Celtic=20
Studies, he decided to follow his father into a career in journalism. He=20
was given an Irish Post Award in 1988 in recognition of his services to=20
Irish historical studies and in 2002 he was made an Honorary Life Member=20
of the Irish Literary Society. A prolific writer, he has published over=20
eighty books, several pamphlets, and numerous academic papers. His work=20
has appeared in over twenty foreign languages including the=20
internationally best-selling series of Sister Fidelma mysteries, set in=20
Ireland during the seventh century

=91Fidelma is straight out of the sleuth noir mould: dark, handsome, a=20
qualified lawyer, an expert horsewoman ... Tremayne effortlessly brings=20
forth information on the nitty-gritty of daily life in Celtic Ireland=20
... (he) has brought our colourful roots to life with (this) crime=20
series ...=92 =96 The Irish Times

Peter will be reading and discussing the latest Sister Fidelma novel, =91=
A=20
Prayer for the Damned=92, about a series of murders on the occasion of a=20
grand wedding ceremony at Cashel in 668 AD


Gretta Mulrooney was born and grew up in Walthamstow, the daughter of=20
Irish parents who emigrated after the war. She attended the University=20
of Ulster, where she gained a degree in English and then taught in=20
secondary education before retraining as a social worker. She has=20
published fiction for both adults and children and is currently working=20
on her fifth novel. She started writing short stories around fifteen=20
years ago, and was guest writer at the Summer School in 1999, which=20
featured her novel Araby.

=91Mulrooney has a real gift for dialogue, the words and phrases ring tru=
e=20
and make her characters wonderfully real=85 A tenderly funny and genuinel=
y=20
moving piece. I loved it.=92 Review of Araby by Fiona Morrow, Time Out

Gretta will be reading and discussing two of her short stories (=91The=20
Gold Digger=92 and =91The Old Master=92) both of which have been broadcas=
t on=20
BBC Radio 4.

Bernard O'Donoghue is a poet and literary critic, and author of several=20
poetry collections. He won the Whitbread Poetry Award in 1995 for=20
Gunpowder and his latest collection of is a verse translation of Sir=20
Gawain and the Green Knight (2006). He grew up in rural North Cork, a=20
place famous for traditional music and poetry and he has a deep-rooted=20
interest in literature, both written and oral. He went to school in=20
Manchester and has lived in Oxford since 1965, where he is a teacher and=20
Fellow in English at Wadham College.
=91Bernard O=92Donoghue=92s memory is a kind of authoritative summons to =
the=20
past to smarten itself up and make itself present, to account for=20
itself.... the past is a sharp pair of eyes, a scream, a story, a=20
cutting voice, a burst of passion, a magic mist in which rough things=20
happen.=92 (Brendan Kennelly)

Bernard will be reading and discussing the range of his poetry over the=20
last twenty years at this year=92s Summer School.


John Ryan is a regular columnist with The Irish Post newspaper and an=20
award-winning stand-up comedian. Born into an Irish background in the=20
East End of London, his TV credits include The Weakest Link, The Real=20
Eastenders and What=92s the Story. He has also worked on radio as a=20
breakfast show presenter for Liberty Radio and a reviewer for LBC Radio.

John will be discussing his writing career both for The Irish Post and=20
as a stand-up comedian.

Lana Citron is the author of four novels, Sucker, Spilt Milk, Transit=20
and The Honey Trap. Other works include; short stories and poetry -=20
anthologised and broadcast on BBC Radio 4, the award-winning short film,=20
I was the Cigarette Girl, and the radio play, Love Saboteur. She has=20
also dabbled in acting and stand-up comedy, appearing at the Edinburgh=20
Festival. Most recently she was selected to take part in the=20
Writers Circle, a script-writing programme initiated by The Script=20
Factory and is currently working on her first feature script, Dead=20
Dad. Her latest novel, The Brodsky Touch, will be published by=20
Bloomsbury in June 2007.

=91Citron=92s writing is completely fresh .... slangy, alliterative strea=
ms=20
of consciousness bleed into straight prose, littered with quick,=20
effective descriptions.=92 The Times

At this year=92s Summer School, Lana will be reading and discussing her=20
short story, =91Lapdog Days=92 and how she adapted it first for radio, th=
en=20
the cinema.


Feedback from Writers and Students

It was an experience like no other. I am convinced that any writer=20
coming to Summer School goes away a better writer. The range and depth=20
of the observations, questions and comments =96 made in an atmosphere of=20
collaborative support - has given me an opportunity to reflect on my=20
work and I know it will be the richer for it. (Bridget Whelan, writer)

=93I enjoyed myself immensely, the students seemed like the perfect=20
readers of my mother =96 subtle, discerning and appreciative of the=20
complexities of her situation=94
(Blake Morrison, writer)

AIt was so great to meet with and hear Irish writers discuss their work=20
as well as share their experience of other Irish people like myself=20
living in London and trying to define our own voices in this great=20
melting pot[at] (Alice Wickham, student)

AMany thanks for a splendid evening, the whole experience was thoroughly=20
rewarding for me.[at] (Gerry McKee, writer)

AAs a person who has lectured in further and higher education, I would=20
like to congratulate the Irish Studies department for running this most=20
interesting and stimulating course[at] (Kathy Neeson, student)

AThank you so much for the invitation and the chance to participate in=20
the Summer School - it was a real pleasure to do it[at] (Rosalind Scanlan,=20
writer)

AI wanted to take this opportunity of putting in writing how much I=20
enjoyed this year=3Ds Irish Writers in London Summer School. It was=20
brilliant. The course material was both stimulating and=20
thought-provoking and the visiting writers were excellent[at]
(Shirley Cully, student)

AI thoroughly enjoyed the evening and found the students very welcoming=20
and the responses very refreshing[at] (Colette Bryce, poet)

AI very much enjoyed the visit to your Summer School. For me it was a=20
lovely occasion altogether and thought-provoking in quite a profound=20
way[at] (Maura Dooley, writer)

=93I really enjoyed the summer school and hope that one day my second=20
generation children can attend as one means of keeping in touch with=20
their roots=94 (Nora Holder, student)

AIt was one of the most vital and energising sessions I have=20
participated in and I know it will contribute to how I reflect on my=20
work in future[at] (Deirdre Shanahan, writer)

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: Book Review, Lenihan on Armstrong,
_Protestant War: The "British" of Ireland...
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H-NET BOOK REVIEW
Published by H-Albion[at]h-net.msu.edu (May 2007)

Robert Armstrong. _Protestant War: The "British" of Ireland and the Wars =
of
the Three Kingdoms_. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005. 261 =
pp.
Notes, bibliography, index. $80.00 (cloth), ISBN 0-7190-6983-1.

Reviewed for H-Albion by P=E1draig Lenihan, Department of History, =
University
of Limerick

Waging War and Talking Peace

Robert Armstrong's core narrative is organized around the response of
Protestant settlers to rebellion in Ireland and civil war in England, =
and
their slow switch of allegiance from Charles I to Westminster. This =
began
after the Earl of Ormond, the king's man in Ireland, concluded a =
cessation
with the Confederate Catholics in 1643. By the time he handed over =
Dublin to
the roundheads in July 1647 his support in the settler community had =
bled
dry. This was only the first of four realignments by most of them! The
fragmenting of the parliamentary/Scots alliance that had beaten Charles =
I
led most Protestants in Ireland (also described here as "British" and =
"New
English") to align with Charles II. Next, many ditched Charles II and
cooperated with the Protectorate, before finally cutting themselves =
adrift
from that sinking craft in time to scramble on board the good ship
"Restoration."

Some of the reasons why such apparent time-servers not only survived the
Interregnum but captured the "peculiar polity" (pp. 3, 232) that was the
English state in Ireland are to be found in the timeframe of the first
alignment described by Armstrong. While they displayed political =
suppleness
towards contending British regimes, they were consistent in their
unremitting hostility towards the natives. To say that the 1643 =
cessation
was a "good deal" (p. 99) was an understatement: it saved hard-pressed
Protestants outside Ulster. Yet Protestants would not observe it any =
longer
than they absolutely had to. These fierce fighters also claimed moral
authority as victims of horrid popish massacre. Armstrong's treatment of =
the
massacres that actually happened, the local spirals of massacre and =
revenge
killings, is sure and even-handed.

The settler community is not depicted as a monolith. At one extreme were
Ormond's immediate predecessors in Dublin Castle, who coldly decried any
cessation with the Irish"before the sword or famine should have so =
abated
them in numbers as that in reasonable time English colonies might =
overlap
them" (p. 83). At the other was Ormond, who had "so much interest of =
blood
and alliance" among Catholics (p. 177). Nonetheless, his stance during =
peace
negotiations with the Confederate Catholics was, Armstrong concedes,
"reactive, sometimes grudging, occasionally obstructive" (p. 123), even =
as
an increasingly frantic King urged him, in February 1645, to conclude a
treaty "whatever it cost" (p. 132) and get the Irish to send an army to
England before it was too late.

One is left wondering if Ormond had any interest in collective fair =
dealing
with the Confederate Catholics. Mich=E9al =D3 Siochr=FA's _Confederate =
Ireland,
1642-1649_ (1999) suggests otherwise and asserts, for instance, that =
Ormond
introduced a specific demand for the return of churches seized by =
Catholics.
Armstrong states that the explicit demand for Catholic retention of such
churches came from the Confederates, but he does not directly confront =
what
=D3 Siochr=FA says. One is left unsure who was to blame for raising an =
emotive
issue that was best fudged and stalled peace talks.

It is made clear that Ormond preferred to detach sympathetic individuals
from the Catholic regime. In this respect his greatest coup was to get =
Irish
plenipotentiaries (shades of another treaty debate here) to sign a =
treaty
that was spurned, however, as wholly unacceptable by the Irish =
Catholics,
led by their priests. Armstrong vividly conveys the mood of =
recrimination in
which Ormond handed over Dublin to Westminster. It would prove a =
colossal
mistake, and an envoy from Queen Henrietta Maria begged Ormond not to do =
it.
Two years later Ormond would be routed while trying to recapture Dublin, =
in
concert with the same Irish Catholics to whom he had refused the keys. A
royalist perspective on the surrender transaction, other than that of =
Ormond
himself, would have been helpful.

From royalists talking peace to roundheads waging war, _Protestant War_
deals with politics, finance, recruitment, and grand strategy rather =
than
fighting. King and Parliament stumbled into war over the question of who
would control armed force, including the English army being raised for
Ireland. Later Charles was happy to withdraw English troops from Ireland =
to
quash his enemies at home, while Westminster, Armstrong insists, =
remained
more ideologically committed to unrelenting war against popery in =
Ireland.
But fighting the hydra-headed popish enemy in England took precedence.
Parliament also agonized over the cost of a land war and listened in =
1642 to
glib promises that a landing in force on the west coast would "end the =
war
before Xmas" (p. 73). Armstrong could well have taken the story out of
stuffy committee rooms for a while at this point to follow Lord Forbes's
cruise along the west coast in all its murderous fatuity. Parliament's
long-running infatuation with such descents, especially in the Shannon
Estuary, is revealed. To this reviewer it seems of a piece with the =
dislike
of the English landed classes for costly standing armies and a =
preference
for naval expeditions that usually turned out to be strategic and =
logistical
muddles like Cadiz (1625), Rh=E9 (1627), and Brest (1694). A concerted
parliamentary attempt at reconquest began only between late 1645 and mid
1647 as civil war in Britain wound down. Securing the capitulation of =
Dublin
was its only solid achievement. The extent to which the settler =
community
directed this reconquest can be seen, for instance, from the fact that =
it
provided the two parliamentary commissioners and army commander who took
over Dublin.

Within a manageably narrow window of time Armstrong succeeds in =
producing a
genuine three-kingdom history, focusing on two interfaces (Protestant
Ireland versus Westminster and Oxford) where the proverbial billiard =
balls
kissed or collided. Having to zoom out so often from one arena and =
focus in
on another is a challenge. The effort would defeat most readers if =
Armstrong
had not such readable lively style and an eye for a telling quote. This
perceptive and scholarly work is a welcome counterpoint to the wealth of
recent writing on the Confederate Catholics in mid-seventeenth century.



Copyright (c) 2007 by H-Net, all rights reserved. H-Net permits the
redistribution and reprinting of this work for nonprofit, educational
purposes, with full and accurate attribution to the author, web =
location,
date of publication, originating list, and H-Net: Humanities & Social
Sciences Online. For other uses contact the Reviews editorial staff:
hbooks[at]mail.h-net.msu.edu.

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Matthew Jockers
Subject: Joe Cooley Project
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I have been asked to pass along the following query:
Matt
______
Joe Cooley, the great Irish traditional musician, lived and worked in
San Francisco from 1965 to 1972. Two Irish researchers, Michael Black
and Tom Clancy, are studying Cooley's life and times and influence in
the city and are interested in hearing from persons who met him,
played music with him, were taught by him, worked with him or knew
him during this time period.

We are looking for personal memories, recollections, memorabilia,
correspondence, sound recordings, or other information about his time
in the city by the Bay. If you have information you are willing to
share, please send an email to: TheCooleyProject[at]gmail.com with a
brief description of your Cooley connection and your contact
information.

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: Book Reviews, CERCLES reviews
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Email Patrick O'Sullivan

The latest release of CERCLES
www.cercles.com

has items of interest.

Laura O'Connor
Haunted English: The Celtic Fringe, the British Empire, and =
De-Anglicization
The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006,
264 p., $49.95 hardcover, ISBN: 978-0-8018-8433-7.
http://www.cercles.com/review/r31/oconnor.html

Reviewed by Claire H=E9lie

EXTRACT
' Seamus Heaney, in =93The Redress of Poetry=94 (1995), praises poetry =
as =93an
agent for proclaiming and correcting injustices=94 but pinpoints how =
that
corrective power might jeopardize poetry as a linguistic =93eminence.=94 =
Centred
on poets who successfully avoided the trap, Laura O=92Connor=92s =
recently
published Haunted English: The Celtic Fringe, the British Empire, and
De-Anglicization explores =93how the colonial history of English =
inflects the
literary vernaculars of Anglo-Celtic modernists W.B. Yeats, Hugh =
MacDiarmid,
and Marianne Moore=94 [IX]. Acknowledging her debt to her doctoral =
research
supervisor Edward Said, the author theorizes the Anglicization of Gaelic
cultures as a case of =93linguistic imperialism,=94 a term coined by =
Robert
Phillipson in his 1992 eponymous book, since it deprived Celtic writers =
of
their medium, leaving them dispossessed; subsequently O=92Connor reads
de-Anglicization as a way to repossess a lost culture=97to borrow =
another two
Heaney concepts. She then examines how the three poets mentioned above
resolved, each in their own specific poetic ways, the dilemma of writing =
in
the colonial tongue by conjuring up the ghost voices of Celtic =
literature,
and how such solutions can be deemed characteristic of their signature
styles. The critical approach to her study is directed by the concept of
autopoiesis (self-making) which she borrows from Giambattista Vico=92s =
=93We can
only borrow what we have made,=94 from A General Introduction to my =
World
(1937).

The title calls for images of ghosts disturbing the English language to =
get
their idiosyncratic post-mortem voices heard, but the introduction lacks =
a
clear definition and a typology of the different meanings she assigns to
such haunting. The reader is left alone to appreciate the many =
opportunities
such a word offers. Set aside the analyses of poems dramatizing the =
actions
of a revenant, =93an indigenous Gaelic literary device for bridging gaps
between epochs and worlds=94 [14], only a couple of references are made =
to
=93ghost voices=94 and =93revenant=94 texts, defined as works that speak =
=93out of an
immemorial past to potential audiences in the future because the =
likelihood
of finding a positive reception in the Anglocentric culture of the time =
was
so slim=94 [13]. Her passing remarks on linguicism (that is, the role of
English as =93an instrument of Gaelic linguicide=94 and as a =93medium =
of
linguistic racism and ethnicity class antagonism=94 [XIII]), on the =
nostalgic
and melancholy trends in Anglo-Celtic poetry or on the uncanny read as
extensions of that haunting theme, even combined, don=92t quite give the =
main
theme of the book and tend to be overlooked in her chapters on =
MacDiarmid
and Moore, in favour of a hunting of intertextual references. The =
concept
O=92Connor mainly uses and gives variations of instead seems to be that =
of
glottophagie, a word coined by Louis-Jean Calvet in Language Wars and
Linguistic Politics (1998): "Haunted English contends that there is a
relationship=97though by no means a straightforward one=97between the
glottophagie that occurs within the Pale / Fringe contact zone and that
which takes place within the poet and gets expressed as style (e.g.,
Yeatsian) [64].'

Also of interest

Empires of the Atlantic World. Britain and Spain in America 1492-1830 =
J.H
Elliott New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2006.
546 p., $50 hardback, $22 paper. ISBN-10 0300114311; ISBN 978-0300114317
http://www.cercles.com/review/r31/elliott.html

Reviewed by Ellen Hampton

Who finds that Elliott does not give the '...good bone-rattling shake of =
the
sort needed to loose early American history from its smug and cozy
Anglophilia...'

P.O'S.

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: "William Mulligan Jr."
Subject: CFP: Labour migration and Europeanization processes after 1989/91
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Forwarded from H-Migration

Call for Papers

Labour migration and Europeanization processes after 1989/91 K.U.Leuven,
second half of January 2008

The fall of the Communist regimes and the difficult transition to a free
market economy stimulated many people in Central and Eastern Europe to
leave their country. Most of them moved to Western Europe and found a
job as domestic workers (cleaning woman, building worker, plumber,
etc.). In several European cities, big Central European communities
arose. Some of them, for instance the ones in London and other British
cities, count hundreds of thousand people since the EU enlargement of
2004.

These migration waves have not only influenced economy, but have also
stimulated contacts between different European ethnic and national
groups. The immigrants themselves face new social structures, values,
principles, and behaviour patterns. Since they also keep in touch with
their homeland (their movement is often considered as a pendulum
migration), they share some of their experiences with their compatriots
staying at home. Also Western Europeans have been influenced by this
migration. The employment of a Central European worker was often the
first direct contact with an individual from the Eastern part of the
continent.

At the conference, we want to analyze to what extent these migration
waves had and have an influence on the construction of a European
identity. How have contacts between employers and employees changed
mutual perception and classic stereotypes? Are the identification
processes negligible and what are the reasons (e.g. the confirmation of
each other's otherness or the lack of intense contacts and a common
language)? Or have they led to the discovery of common features and, if
so, which ones and which frameworks are they put in (geographical and
other ones)? Special attention will be paid to the European context and
the representations, perceptions and divisions of the continent. This
can include questions concerning, for instance, the influences of these
contacts on the classic East-West division and the role of the 2004
enlargement on the political structuralization of strictly speaking
illegal contacts. The research will focus on both hosts (employers) and
guests (employees) and analyze if and how Europeanization processes have
differed between these groups.

This conference is organized in the framework of a research project at
the Jagiellonian University (Krakow) and the K.U.Leuven, that is
subsidized by the Polish Minister of Science and Higher Education. It
will present the first results of the analyzis of dozens of in-depth
interviews concerning the Europeanization processes among Polish
migrants in Belgium and their employers. However, the subject will be
put in a broader context and other questions are welcomed. Do Western
Europeans have other perceptions of Eastern European immigrants than of
other migrant groups, for instance from the Far East or the Maghreb
countries? How have these processes developed the last fifteen years:
recent immigrants seem to have a different profile than the ones who
migrated in the 1990s, children are sometimes raised in Western Europe,
and these new groups must have another stance towards their
Europeanization. How should we assess the influence of this labour
migration on the homeland regions: next to financial input, it also
causes difficult social situations, such as split families and disturbed
neighbour relations. Which roles do immigrants play in other cases of
geopolitical identification and perception?

Proposals (counting ca. 300 words) dealing with such research questions
can be sent before 31 June to uzniedzw[at]cyf-kr.edu.pl or
idesbald.goddeeris[at]arts.kuleuven.be. A selection will be made before the
end of August. Part of the conference proceedings will be published.

William H. Mulligan, Jr., Ph.D.
Professor of History
Graduate Program Coordinator
Murray State University
Murray KY 42071-3341 USA
Office: 1-270-809-6571
Fax: 1-270-809-6587

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Carmel McCaffrey
Subject: Re: Taoiseach in Westminster
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Piaras,
I watched this live yesterday and was impressed by the way he managed to=20
bring so much together without losing the credibility of Irish history.=20
I thought his reference to the redoubtable English parliamentary phrase=20
"Irish Question" was a nod to that troubled history and perhaps the=20
electorate in Ireland:
"The so-called =91Irish Question=92 was for a long time shorthand in thes=
e=20
halls for a nuisance, a problem, a danger. A recurring crisis that was=20
debated here, but not where its effects were most felt."

But I did think that the introduction by Baroness Hayman - of Lords -=20
was more than a little off the mark. I'm not sure that she knew that=20
Ahern was head of a separate government. She only referred to NI in her=20
welcoming speech. Odd, I thought.

Carmel

MacEinri, Piaras wrote:
> It would be churlish to deny Bertie Ahern's and Tony Blair's role in th=
e
> peace process. The full text of Taoiseach's speech to the joint Houses =
of
> Parliament in Westminster yesterday follows. It is a well-crafted speec=
h.
> Due regard is expressed for the Irish Diaspora in Britain and (less
> commonly!) for the British Diaspora in Ireland..
>
> Piaras
>
>
> =20

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: "Rogers, James"
Subject: Re: Abraham Lincoln and the Irish
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You might check with Greg Koos of the McLean County Museum of History =
in
Illinois. His article in New Hibernia Review, "The Irish Hedge =
Schoolmaster
in the American Backcountry" NHR 5,2 (Summer 2001), 9-26, mentioned =
Lincoln
having been tutored by an Irish teacher. Greg would be well versed in =
Irish
Lincolniana.

Tangentially, the famous "Rail Splitter" sculpture in Chicago's =
Garfield
Park was executed by the Irish-born sculptor Charles Mulligan. Mulligan
deserves a book of his own; he claimed to have learned to sculpt in =
clay
his father unearthed while working on the Illinois-Michigan canal


Jim Rogers

-----Original Message-----
From: Patrick O'Sullivan [mailto:P.OSullivan[at]BRADFORD.AC.UK]=20
Sent: Wednesday, May 16, 2007 9:05 AM
To: IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK
Subject: [IR-D] Abraham Lincoln and the Irish

From: Kevin Kenny [mailto:kennyka[at]bc.edu]=20
Sent: 16 May 2007 14:55
Subject: Abraham Lincoln

I've been asked to write an essay on Abraham Lincoln and the Irish =
(which I
would construe broadly to include the diaspora as well as Ireland). The
emphasis would be on post-1865 images and perceptions, as well as the =
twenty
years leading up to the Civil War. There does not seem to be much in =
the
secondary sources, and I know of no primary sources yet.=20
=A0
If anyone on the list knows of sources on Lincoln and Ireland I would =
be
very grateful to receive them.
=A0
Many thanks,
=A0
Kevin Kenny
Boston College

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: "MacEinri, Piaras"
Subject: Taoiseach in Westminster
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It would be churlish to deny Bertie Ahern's and Tony Blair's role in =
the
peace process. The full text of Taoiseach's speech to the joint Houses =
of
Parliament in Westminster yesterday follows. It is a well-crafted =
speech.
Due regard is expressed for the Irish Diaspora in Britain and (less
commonly!) for the British Diaspora in Ireland..

Piaras

Taoiseach's speech in full

Tue, May 15, 2007

ADDRESS BY THE TAOISEACH, MR BERTIE AHERN, TO THE JOINT HOUSES OF =
PARLIAMENT
WESTMINSTER, 15 MAY, 2007.

Ireland and Britain:A Shared History - A New Partnership

Mr Speaker, Lord Speaker, Prime Minister, Distinguished Guests,

I am grateful for your welcome and I am honoured to be the first =
Taoiseach
to speak here at the heart of British parliamentary democracy. But I =
speak
not for myself today; I speak for the Irish people and for the history =
and
the best hopes of our two island nations, yours and mine.

Today, following as it does so many remarkable days, is a new and glad
departure in an old and extraordinary relationship.

Ours is a close, complex and difficult history. But now with energy and
resolve this generation is leaving the past behind, building friendship =
and
laying the foundation for a lasting partnership of common interests =
between
our two islands.

For over two centuries, great Irishmen came to Westminster to be a =
voice for
the voiceless of Ireland and at times a conscience for Britain too.

I am thinking above all of Daniel O'Connell and of Charles Stewart =
Parnell,
but the tradition is long and noble. And their struggle to further the
cause of the Irish nation in this Parliament resonated across the Irish =
Sea
through the lives of every Irish person.

Those who travelled that sea to take a seat in this place believed in =
the
proposition that democratic politics, however imperfect, is not, first =
and
foremost, a career or a means of acquiring power. Rather it was, and =
is,
the surest way to secure and advance a fair society.

This year, Britain commemorates the 200th anniversary of the Act of =
this
Parliament that ended the appalling wrong that was the Atlantic slave =
trade.
This happened despite powerful interests that argued the financial =
costs of
abolition. But in one of the most remarkable examples of a collective
political act on moral grounds, those interests were overcome. It was =
a
moment of great moral authority and one of the great stepping-stones to
freedom.

In the words of Daniel O'Connell who died 160 years ago today:

"There is nothing politically right that is morally wrong."

And it was this faith too that was turned to the cause of the rights of =
the
Irish people.

It was O'Connell who built a mass civil rights movement to achieve =
Catholic
emancipation, and then to take on the cause of the repeal of the Act of
Union. The movement was founded firmly on principles of non-violence, =
and
became an inspiration for peoples everywhere, confirming the power of =
an
idea that again and again has changed the world. That idea is an =
inspiration
to Irish people to this day.

O'Connell was also the champion of a wider and generous liberal =
tradition
which looked far beyond Ireland's shores to right injustice and support =
the
weak and the poor.

Two generations later, Parnell and his colleagues used their =
disciplined
mastery of the parliamentary system to force the issue of Home Rule to =
the
centre of British politics and in so doing created the first modern
political party in these islands.

We remember too that it was Ireland that first elected a woman, =
Constance
Markiewicz, to the House of Commons - although she chose instead to =
take her
seat in the first D=E1il as elected by the Irish people.

Mr Speaker, Lord Speaker,

The historical relationship of Ireland and Britain too often seemed as =
if it
could be more accurately measured out in repression and rebellions, =
over
cycles of decades and centuries. Conflicts have become synonymous with
years - 1169, 1690, 1798, 1916 and into the recent agony of the =
Troubles.

It is a litany that too often seemed to confirm the inevitability of
conflict between us.

But, it was never the whole story - and now in our day and generation, =
we
have seen the dawning of a new era.

In an act full of the symbolism of new days of hope and promise in =
Ireland,
I had the honour last week to welcome the new First Minister of =
Northern
Ireland, the Right Honourable Ian Paisley, MP, to the site of the =
Battle of
the Boyne.

This was a battle for power in these islands and also part of a wider
European conflict. Its outcome resounds through the centuries of Irish =
and
British history to this very day. That time marked the beginning of an
unbroken period of parliamentary democracy in this country. But its =
legacy
in Ireland has always been a matter of deep contention and division.

It is surely a miracle of our age that the undisputed leader of Ulster
unionism can meet with the leader of the Irish Government, on that
battlefield, in a spirit of friendship and mutual respect.

The intertwined history of Ireland and Britain was - let us not deny =
the
truth - in large measure indeed a story of division and conflict, of
conquest, suppression and resistance. But, of course, there are =
episodes in
that story which are a source of pride - just as there are others that =
are
rightly a source of regret and anguish.

Last year, I was proud to commemorate the 90th Anniversary of the 1916
Rising. It was a hinge of history - and the turning of events has =
continued
since.

Those who fought did so in pursuit of a state which, in the words of =
the
1916 Proclamation, "guarantees religious and civil liberty, equal =
rights and
equal opportunities to all its citizens and declares its resolve to =
pursue
the happiness and prosperity of the whole nation and all of its parts
cherishing all of the children of the nation equally".

The Rising did not have immediate universal support, and was opposed, =
at
least initially, by many of those Irishmen who served in this =
Parliament,
just as many in Ireland were shocked by the heavy-handed exercise of =
power
by the British authorities in its wake.

Irish nationalism has its heroes as does unionism. We need to =
acknowledge
each others pride in our separate and divided past.

In 1998, in a groundbreaking act of recognition of our shared journey,
President Mary McAleese and Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth jointly opened =
the
Memorial Peace Park in Messines - a requiem to the 200,000 young men =
from
across the island of Ireland, Catholic and Protestant, North and South, =
who
fought in the First World War, side by side. Some 50,000 did not =
return.
Last year we renewed this tribute in Dublin - and paid homage at home =
to the
spirit of an imperishable heroism - through a national commemoration of =
the
90th anniversary of the battle of the Somme.

In another shining example of how we can engage with difficult chapters =
of
history without descending into spirals of accusation, I remember the =
brave
and generous initiative of the Prime Minister in acknowledging the =
failures
of those governing in London at the time of the Great Famine in =
Ireland.

Mr Speaker, Lord Speaker,

Of course, the subject of Ireland was not always welcome in this place. =
I
recall the words of Gladstone, who in November, 1890, noted that:

"Since the month of December, 1885, my whole political life has been
governed by a supreme regard to the Irish question. For every day, I =
may
say, of these five years, we have been engaged in laboriously rolling
up-hill the stone of Sisyphus."

Prime Minister Blair and I can certainly empathise with this!

The so-called 'Irish Question' was for a long time shorthand in these =
halls
for a nuisance, a problem, a danger. A recurring crisis that was =
debated
here, but not where its effects were most felt.

Today, I can stand here and say that the 'Irish Question' as understood =
then
has been transformed.

The Good Friday Agreement has delivered peace and promise to Ireland by
accommodating the rights, the interests and the legitimate aspirations =
of
all. It represents the triumph of common interests over inherited
divisions.

It is not an end of history. But it is a new beginning.

It is an unchallengeable consensus on how any future change in the =
status of
Northern Ireland will be effected: only with consent freely given, and =
with
full respect for the rights of all traditions and identities on the =
island.

As an Irish republican, it is my passionate hope that we will see the =
island
of Ireland united in peace. But I will continue to oppose with equal
determination any effort to impose unity through violence or the threat =
of
violence.

Irish Republicanism is inherently democratic and seeks to unite - in =
their
common interests - Catholic, Protestant and Dissenter.

That is the principle on which I stand.

Mr Speaker, Lord Speaker,

None of what has been accomplished in Northern Ireland in the past =
decade
could have happened without the most beneficial transformation in
British-Irish relations in over eight hundred years.

The depth and complexity of relationships between our islands, =
generation
after generation, defy summary or platitudes.

But now let us consign arguments over the past to the annals of the =
past, as
we make history instead of being doomed to repeat it.

Ours must and will be the last generation to feel the pain and anger of =
old
quarrels.

We cannot look back through eras far removed from the standards and =
promise
of today, through the very pages of our common past, and tear out the
bloodstained chapters.

But that does not mean we should write them into the story of our =
future.
Violence is part of our shared past that lasted too long. Now we close =
the
chapter, we move on, and it will remain there as it was written.

Mr Speaker, Lord Speaker,

I stand before you as the elected leader of a young, modern and =
successful
country. The gathering pace of change in Ireland since independence, =
and in
this generation especially, has been extraordinary.

We have seized our opportunities and honoured our heritage. Ireland is =
a
small country, but today we are one of the most globalised and =
enterprising
in the world.

We have taken a place on the world stage in the United Nations and the
European Union. We have built a country of ideas, energy and of =
confidence.

And it is this self-confidence that allows us, still conscious of our
history but not captured by it, to build a new and lasting partnership =
of
common interest that fully respects identity and sovereignty, with you =
our
nearest neighbour.

Today, our partnership in the world is expressed most especially in the
European Union. Our joint membership has served as a vital catalyst =
for the
building of a deeper relationship between our two islands. Europe =
forms a
key part of our shared future. The European Union has acted as a =
potent
example of a new political model that enables old enemies to become =
partners
in progress.

On the world stage too we have a shared commitment to democracy, to =
human
rights and to international development.

And we stand together to make poverty history.

I think of the power of our example - of the history we have written
together in Northern Ireland. No two conflicts are exactly the same =
and no
two solutions will ever be alike. But the world has watched as we =
grappled
with our past and made our peace with one another. Now our two =
governments
can share our past experience and newfound hope with others who are =
caught
up in conflict and feel despair.

Mr Speaker, Lord Speaker,

Our relationship is a partnership of people first and foremost.

No two nations and no two peoples have closer ties of history and =
geography
and of family and friendship.

Emigration was for too long a recurring theme of the Irish saga, from =
the
horrors of the Great Famine, to dark economic times in the 20th =
Century.

Many Irish people came to this country as emigrants. And today there =
are
hundreds of thousands of Irish-born people living in Britain today. =
Theirs
were stories of dislocation, and stories of aspiration, and then of new
lives built, new families created, new strands woven into the fabric of =
both
our national identities.

Today, there are over a hundred members of this Parliament with an =
Irish
background. And there are millions more like them in Britain, who have =
gone
on to new levels of success with each new generation.

And, of course, the tide was not all one way. There are over 100,000
British citizens in Ireland now, a most welcome part of an ever more =
diverse
population.

British settlement, organised and otherwise, has given the island of =
Ireland
a British tradition too - not just in history and language, borders and
politics, but in a thriving community of unionist people proud of who =
they
are, where they come from, and what they hope for.

They are a living bridge between us.

The Irish Government fully respects their rights and identity.

We value their voice, their vision and their future contribution to the =
life
of the island of Ireland in whatever way it should develop.

Our economic partnership has always been, and remains, a cornerstone of =
our
prosperity and our friendship.

The origins of trade between our islands is lost in the mists of time
itself. And today our trading relationship continues to go from =
strength to
strength.

Irish and British people are driving the economies of both our islands =
with
efficiency and enterprise, regardless of politics or borders.

The scale of our economic partnership is impressive and is immensely
important for all our people.

British exports to Ireland alone, are more than double that of British
exports to China, India, Brazil and Mexico combined. And Britain takes
almost half of our food exports and half the exports of our indigenous
companies.

And the achievements we have seen in Northern Ireland will open up =
still
greater opportunities for economic cooperation between both islands and =
both
parts of Ireland.

The people of these islands have woven a rich tapestry of culture over =
the
centuries. This has given rise to a partnership of culture that is =
renowned
across the world.

One of the most creative moments in human history was the meeting =
between
the English language and the Irish people.

It has given us some of the great works of world literature - of =
Jonathan
Swift, Oscar Wilde, James Joyce, George Bernard Shaw, William Butler =
Yeats,
Samuel Beckett, John McGahern and many, many others. Not the least of =
those
was Richard Brinsley Sheridan, who served in this House, was born in =
Dorset
Street in my constituency and is now buried nearby in Poets' Corner at
Westminster Abbey.

They all found their genius in the English language, but they drew on a
perspective that was uniquely Irish.

Today, a vibrant cultural life is shared by both our countries across =
every
imaginable field - in music, dance, education, theatre, film and sport.

In culture, as in sport, we share and together enjoy so much.

And in all these areas, too, our endeavours are not divorced from our
history, but are built on it.

Earlier this year, the Irish and English rugby teams met in the =
magnificent
headquarters of the Gaelic Athletic Association at Croke Park in =
Dublin. It
was a match played and watched on what is now a field of dreams, but =
was
once the very earth of past bloodshed.

But it was a match played in the spirit of sport. No one forgot the
shadows of history, but everyone was living in the sunlight of that =
day.

Of all these bonds - of family and friendship, of commerce and culture =
- the
greatest of all is our partnership of peace.

We have shown that even the seemingly intractable can be overcome - =
that
peace is not impossible and conflict is not inevitable.

We have learned, as Seamus Heaney wrote:

"Even if the hopes you started out with are dashed, hope has to be
maintained".

The Anglo-Irish Agreement, the Downing Street Declaration and the Good
Friday Agreement: many of you here have been participants and makers =
of
this history. All of you have kept hope.

Peace in Ireland has been the work of a generation. Today, I salute =
all
those who helped to lay the foundations for what has now taken shape. =
In
doing so, I acknowledge the work over so many years of the =
British-Irish
Parliamentary Body and also our great and valued friends in the United
States who have been with us at all times on the long journey.

When Prime Minister Blair and I started out together ten years ago, we =
were
able to build on the courageous early steps that were taken by our
predecessors.

But the contribution of Prime Minister Blair has been exceptional.

This was not a task he had to take on and not one that promised quick =
or
easy rewards. He took it on simply because there was a chance that a =
great
good could be achieved.

Tony Blair has been a true friend to me and a true friend to Ireland. =
He
has an honoured place in Irish hearts and in Irish history.

Mr Speaker, Lord Speaker,

Nine years ago, the people of the island of Ireland democratically =
endorsed
the Good Friday Agreement, a clear command to all political leaders to
advance the work of peace.

In March this year the people of Northern Ireland confirmed that =
command
through the ballot box and set their seal on the path of political =
progress.

There are certain days which define an era. More rarely there are days =
that
define the next, that embody the turn of the tide.

Too many Irish days have done so through tragedy and violence.

Tuesday, May 8th, in Belfast was a day when we witnessed events that =
will
truly define our time and the next.

Shared devolved government, commanding support from both communities =
and all
the parties in Northern Ireland, is now in place. Now at last the full
genius and full potential of the Good Friday Agreement will unfold in =
the
interests of all the peoples of these islands.

Yes, there will be challenges ahead. But these challenges can now be =
faced
in a climate of peace and from a foundation of partnership.

There are real issues on which the people of Northern Ireland disagree.
Some are the sort that face every government, and it is now the =
business of
their politicians to find solutions based on practicality and =
compromise.

Others are more fundamental issues of political and cultural identity.

But we are now in an era of agreement - of new politics and new =
realities.

The world has seen Ireland's economic achievements. There is no =
reason why
a peaceful and stable Northern Ireland should not achieve similar =
success.
We are ready to be a partner and friend on the path to economic growth.
Both parts of the island of Ireland will gain and grow.

The Irish Government has demonstrated its commitment by announcing
investment in important and practical projects that will support =
development
and growth in Northern Ireland. Chancellor Gordon Brown's financial =
package
expresses Britain's clear commitment. Now let us move forward with =
strong
practical support and increasing political confidence.

The tide of history can both ebb and flow and with it our hopes and =
dreams.
But last week's events are powerful evidence that we are moving with =
the
tide of lasting change.

There is now real strength in the consensus on the way forward.

We know the unique and delicate balance that binds this process =
together and
we are committed to doing everything in our power to protect what has =
been
achieved.

Mr Speaker, Lord Speaker,

In our impatience to build a better future we must remember those who =
have
died and remember those who mourn.

The conflict has left over 3,700 dead and thousands more seriously =
injured
during our lifetimes. This appalling loss has left deep scars which =
cannot
easily be healed.

I know that these are not empty words to Members of this Parliament, =
who
have also experienced tragedy and personal loss at first hand. I =
remember
those killed and maimed at Brighton and I remember Airey Neave MP, who =
was
murdered so close to where we are today.

There is a gnawing hunger for the truth about the loss of loved ones. =
The
conflict has left many unanswered questions in its wake. Some of these =
are
the subjects of ongoing or promised inquiries. In these days of hope =
and
promise we know the deep hurt and pain that linger in the hearts of so =
many
and for whom the journey of healing and reconciliation will never be =
easy.

Mr Speaker, Lord Speaker,

The relationship between Britain and Ireland has changed fundamentally =
for
the better. It is and will remain vital for both our countries. The
success we have seen - in re-imagining British-Irish relations and in
establishing peace in Northern Ireland - is not the end, but only the
beginning of what we can achieve together.

Our mutual relations merit priority at the highest level. We must =
sustain
our hard-won achievements on Northern Ireland. Remembering where we =
have
come from, we must never, ever, take for granted the stability and the =
hope
that are now taking root in Northern Ireland.

We have built a remarkable foundation for a whole new level of =
cooperation
between our two countries.

For decades our relations have been filtered through the prism of =
conflict.
Now, building on the peace and progress of the last decade, we can =
begin to
pay greater attention to the wider partnership of common interests =
between
our two islands.

Mr Speaker, Lord Speaker,

We can all contribute to peace, in ways that are great or small, in =
acts of
cooperation and respect, of dialogue and of resolve.

This is a test for all of us.

I call to mind the words of another great Irishman Edmund Burke, who =
served
in this Parliament:

"Nobody made a greater mistake than he who did nothing because he could =
do
only a little".

So now we look back at history not to justify but to learn, and we look
forward to the future in terms not of struggle and victories to be won, =
but
of enduring peace and progress to be achieved together.

In that spirit, I close by recalling the words of John Fitzgerald =
Kennedy,
the first American President to speak to the D=E1il. He was an =
Irish-American
who had deep connections of feeling and experience with Britain as =
well.

On that day in Dublin, President Kennedy called Ireland "an isle of =
destiny"
and said that: "when our hour has come we will have something to give =
the
world".

Today, I can say to this Parliament at Westminster as John Kennedy said =
in
Dublin: " Ireland's hour has come".

It came, not as victory or defeat, but as a shared future for all.

Solidarity has made us stronger.

Reconciliation has brought us closer.

Ireland's hour has come: a time of peace, of prosperity, of old values =
and
new beginnings.

This is the great lesson and the great gift of Irish history.

This is what Ireland can give to the world.

Thank You.

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: Taoiseach in Westminster
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From: Peter Hart
To: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
Subject: Re: [IR-D] Taoiseach in Westminster


Fair enough re. Northern accomplishments, but:

"I speak for the Irish people'?!

'There is nothing politically right that is morally wrong'?!

Ah yes, Bertie Ahern, the pure-hearted tribune of the nation, speaking
with no regard to election campaigns or the political interests of
neighbouring leaders...

Peter Hart

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: Abraham Lincoln and the Irish
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From: Kevin Kenny [mailto:kennyka[at]bc.edu]=20
Sent: 16 May 2007 14:55
Subject: Abraham Lincoln

I=92ve been asked to write an essay on Abraham Lincoln and the Irish =
(which I
would construe broadly to include the diaspora as well as Ireland). The
emphasis would be on post-1865 images and perceptions, as well as the =
twenty
years leading up to the Civil War. There does not seem to be much in the
secondary sources, and I know of no primary sources yet.=20
=A0
If anyone on the list knows of sources on Lincoln and Ireland I would be
very grateful to receive them.
=A0
Many thanks,
=A0
Kevin Kenny
Boston College

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: Abraham Lincoln and the Irish
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From: "Patrick Maume"
To: "The Irish Diaspora Studies List"
Subject: Re: [IR-D] Abraham Lincoln and the Irish

From: Patrick Maume
MCCOMB'S PRESBYTERIAN YEARBOOK, published annually in Belfast, claims
Lincoln as a Presbyterian (they were claiming Buchanan a few years earlier;
they were fascinated by the sight of Presbyterian Heads of State) and has an
elegy on Lincoln's death and the abolition of slavery by the editor, William
McComb. The Linenhall Library, Belfast, and the National Library of Ireland
have it; I don't know where else it can be found. (I have a chapter on
McComb, which draws extensively on the YEARBOOK, in a NINETEENTH-CENTURY
IRELAND volume on Scottish-Irish connections which is due out from Four
Courts press later this year (edited by James McConnell).
Then there is the ballad Paddy's Lamentation:
"When I landed in Yankee-land they put a gun into my hand
Saying, Paddy you must go and fight for Lincoln.."
(The GANGS OF NEW YORK soundtrack CD has it.)
Best wishes,
Patrick

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: Re: Abraham Lincoln and the Irish
In-Reply-To:
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Email Patrick O'Sullivan

I have just finished reading=20

The Harp and the Eagle:
Irish-American Volunteers and the Union Army, 1861-1865
by Susannah Ural Bruce
New York University Press
November 2006

Although I did initially find some features of the book irritating, =
reading
the book through convinced me that it is a very welcome and useful =
addition
to US Civil War, Irish-American, Irish Diaspora historiography.

One of its themes is Irish/Irish-American relationships with the Lincoln
administration, with Lincoln himself and his war. P231 suggests that =
anyone
who had criticized or challenged the martyred president was somehow
responsible for his death. This gave post Civil War Irish-American
historiography the uphill task of trying to rescue and celebrate the =
Irish
contribution to the war. =20

The book is very carefully indexed and referenced. Thus, 'Anti-Lincoln
sentiment' is indexed as well 'Lincoln'.

Paddy =20



-----Original Message-----
From: The Irish Diaspora Studies List [mailto:IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK] On =
Behalf
Of Patrick O'Sullivan
Sent: 16 May 2007 15:05
To: IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK
Subject: [IR-D] Abraham Lincoln and the Irish

From: Kevin Kenny [mailto:kennyka[at]bc.edu]=20
Sent: 16 May 2007 14:55
Subject: Abraham Lincoln

I=92ve been asked to write an essay on Abraham Lincoln and the Irish =
(which I
would construe broadly to include the diaspora as well as Ireland). The
emphasis would be on post-1865 images and perceptions, as well as the =
twenty
years leading up to the Civil War. There does not seem to be much in the
secondary sources, and I know of no primary sources yet.=20
=A0
If anyone on the list knows of sources on Lincoln and Ireland I would be
very grateful to receive them.
=A0
Many thanks,
=A0
Kevin Kenny
Boston College