Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Muiris Mag Ualghairg
Subject: Travellers (was dogs etc)
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This story in today's South Wales Echo (part of the Mirror Group) may
be of interest to the group.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Race row over travellers' site petitionSep 26 2007

Race relations chiefs are taking legal action against a man who
started a petition calling for the eviction of travellers from a car
park.

Businessman Carl Lewis stood as an independent candidate in a
by-election in the Llansamlet area of Swansea, south Wales, in June.

During his unsuccessful election campaign he circulated leaflets and a
petition urging Swansea County Council to evict the group of
travellers.

The petition was sparked by two Irish family groups occupying a site
on an unused corner of an overspill car park at the city's new Liberty
Stadium.

Last week the 37-page petition, running to almost 1000 signatures, was
served on the county council.

Now the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE) Wales is to start legal
action claiming the petition is discriminatory.

Chris Myant, the CRE Wales director, said the petition breaches
section 31 of the Race Relations Act which makes it unlawful to bring
pressure on someone to act in a discriminatory way.

He described it as a "worrying example" of the way some people try "to
twist discussion" around how the accommodation needs of gypsies and
travellers could properly be resolved.

"The petition is headed: 'Petition against any proposed itinerant
travellers site within Llansamlet and the Swansea Vale area of the
City and County of Swansea,"' he said.

"That goes to the ethnic origin of the people who occupy the site," he added.

"The issue is not one of stopping people debating whether there should
be a caravan site at that location or not.

"What this petition is objecting to is not another caravan site but
the kind of people who will occupy the site."

He said the basis of the legal action would not be to punish Mr Lewis
but to restrain him from pressurising anyone to act in a
discriminatory way.

"We are not talking about a criminal act this would go to a local
county court and we would be looking to get an injunction.

"If he were to then breach the injunction stopping him behaving in a
certain way what happens next would be up to a judge."

He added: "The Race Relations Act exists to enable solutions to be
found through debate in which public expressions of prejudice play no
part.

"Were this to have been a petition calling on the council to reject
housing applications from any other ethnic minority groups, there
would have been public uproar.

"We need to break the cycle of prejudice and exclusion which is
preventing some in our local communities from understanding how proper
solutions to the accommodation needs of gypsies and travellers are to
the benefit of all and can build positive relations between the
settled and travelling members of local communities."

He said CRE Wales has been informed of similar petitions circulating
in other areas of Wales and will be recommending to the future single
equality body, the Commission for Equality and Human Right, that it
considers whether or not legal action should be taken over them as
well.

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Mary Hickman
Subject: Re: No Dogs
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I have just caught up with the debate on 'No Dogs'. The photo on our
website at London Metropolitan University was received from a trusted
source, however, there is no final proof that it was not 'staged', to
refer to Paddy's scepticism on these matters. As to the frequency of
these signs in the 1950s and 1960s in England, I have lost count I am
afraid of the number of interviews I have undertaken, or our students
have, in which people make reference to having seen them - these
interviews were predominantly in London and Birmingham. The format of
the signs did vary though - some just said 'No Irish', some 'No Irish,
No Blacks' and others added dogs or children. The oral history
testimonies of African-Caribbeans in the same period confirm the
widespread existence of the signs - most I have read make reference to
seeing 'No Irish, No Blacks' signs. I also recall that John Rex and
Robert Moore in their study of Birmingham, Race, Community and Conflict
(1967) say somewhere that 'No Irish' signs outnumbered 'No Blacks' signs
in some parts of the city.

Mary Hickman


has a footnote Thomas J. Archdeacon wrote:

> Richard Jensen has raised doubts about "No Irish Need Apply" signs or
> codicils to advertisements in the U.S. The signs are a staple of popular
> memory among Irish Americans, although the vast majority -- if not all -- of
> those who could remember them must be dead by this time. RJ goes so far as
> to question whether of not the phrase "No Irish Need Apply" or the acronym
> "NINA" ever was common, because he has had a hard time finding them through
> the search tools for online newspapers. RJ points to a popular song by an
> Irish-American in which he gives a beating to a man who told him "No Irish
> Need Apply." He suggests that the memory may document Irish resistance to
> the discrimination they felt directed against themselves rather than the
> actual widespread distribution of such signs.
>
> Ages ago, when I was doing research for my MA, I encountered newspapers ads
> -- usually for positions as domestics -- that simply said "No Irish." My
> research was on corruption in state construction projects in New York in the
> 1870s, and I paid attention to the ads simply because of my background.
> Therefore, my memory might be playing tricks on me, but I'd say there is
> evidence that public expressions akin to "No Irish Need Apply" signs
> existed.
>
> The London Metropolitan University exhibit shows a photo of a handwritten
> "No Irish, etc." sign in a house window. It is convincing evidence that at
> least one such sign existed, and I'd assume it implies others did as well.
> The question becomes, how common were such signs? Were they ever so
> prevalent that formally printed versions appeared? How many pictures of
> such signs are extant? If few pictures exist, is that because the signs
> were anomalies, or is it because the Irish were too embarrassed or
> intimidated to document the discrimination?
>
> Tom
>

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: "Thomas J. Archdeacon"
Organization: UW-Madison
Subject: Re: dogs
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I find a disconcerting level of inconsistency and talking past one another
in this discussion of signs. It takes on, at times, a tone that is as much
political as it is scholarly. Perhaps identifying some of the issues and
points in dispute may lead to clarification of the debate.

Were there signs that Irish were unwelcome for jobs, etc., to be found both
in Britain and the USA?
My answer, yes.
Were there -- at least in Britain -- signs that listed Irish, blacks, and
dogs as unacceptable?
My answer, based on the evidence offered in these exchanges, yes.
Were there behaviors directed at American soldiers that blamed them for
their role in Vietnam?
My answer, yes. Did the behaviors include spitting? My answer, I can't
rule it out. Was spitting as common as alleged? My answer, probably not.
Did the belief that soldiers were frequently being spit upon reflect the
soldiers' own perceptions that the society had rejected them? My answer,
perhaps.
Bonus question:
Is the attitude toward soldiers from the Iraq and Afghanistan conflicts
different? [On an exalted level, compare attitudes to recent attacks on
Gen. Petraeus with attitudes at the time to attacks on Gen. Westmoreland].
My answer, yes. That response, if correct, raises the question, Why? The
nature of the enemy? A recognition of the political costs of attacking
soldiers? An inclination to see soldiers as additional "victims" of the
war?

Why is there relatively little surviving evidence of publicly posted signs
disparaging the Irish?
Here is something worth further discussion. (I have used the awkward and
inexact phrase "publicly posted" in an effort to sidestep newspaper job ads,
especially for employment in private homes).

We have all heard the term "urban myth." One of the characteristics in the
transmission of urban myths is that the speaker frequently does not have
direct experience of the triggering event but relates the story as the
experience of a trusted friend or family member. Stories like NINA signs
and spit-upon soldiers tend to fit that pattern.
Worth further discussion: Does the structural similarity between the signs
we are discussing and urban myth stories lessen the credibility of the signs
stories? If not, why not?

Further questions: How common were offending signs? Is the frequency with
which they appeared or the geographic breadth over which they were spread
relevant to the analysis of discrimination? What historical role does the
memory of the offending signs play for the Irish? Can these questions be
honestly empirical, or does ideology inevitably play a role in driving them?

The equation between Irish and Blacks raises several questions. The answers
to those may differ between Britain and the U.S.
AT THE TIME that the signs were actually seen, were the Irish simply
offended by the insult to themselves, or did the equation of them with
Blacks make it worse? Did the equation of Irish and blacks exist in the
U.S. to the same extent as in Britain? (My guess -- possibly in 1850 but
not in 1950). Were the makers of the signs simply listing their peeves, or
did they know the extra rub that juxtaposing Irish, blacks, and dogs in some
combination might give? Whom were they most interested in offending?

As an Irish-American, I know I (or anyone) would be laughed out of academics
for suggesting any stronger linkage than the existence of a generic
underlying "racism" in regard to the enmity shown toward Irish and Blacks.
Any attempt to suggest the equivalence of the experiences would be
ill-received. I would be seen as harboring anti-black feelings and of "just
not getting it." Those excoriating me might well be right. Discrimination
does not equal slavery; legally enforced segregation does not equal whatever
parallel you might want to offer.

What is the situation in Britain? From afar, it seems that Irish advocates
in Britain are eager to make the equation between themselves and persons of
African background. Is it an accurate comparison? Is it considered in
Britain to show a lack of sensitivity as it would be in the U.S.? How is
the black/Irish combination being used in our discussion of Britain's signs?


***

Two asides tangentially relevant to the discussion of the Irish and race:

One of my favorite movies in "The Bronx Is Burning" genre is "Fort Apache,
the Bronx," in which Paul Newman plays an Irish cop at the precinct given
the sobriquet of the title. He has a Puerto Rican girlfriend to whom he
explains that "The Irish are the Puerto Ricans of England." Perhaps a
better analogy than the comparison of Irish and Blacks.

Has anyone but me ever noticed the number of movies over the past decade or
two in which the flawed Irish-American hero's muse or redeemer is a Latina
(usually Puerto Rican)? Why is that so? Is it because no film director
would expect an Irish guy to date an African-American but a Puerto Rican has
just enough "colored" heritage + Catholicism to make it plausible? Is it
because the writer or director wants to expose endemic racism among the
Irish by having the flawed hero or the anti-hero find his better nature in
surrendering to the "other"?

Tom

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From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: No Dogs
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From: "Bruce Stewart"
To: "'The Irish Diaspora Studies List'"
Subject: RE: [IR-D] No Dogs

I am a latecomer to this fairly anecdotal strand but did myself
encounter 'No Blacks or Irish' signs in boardinghouses in Finsbury in
the late 1960s when I first arrived in London. It appeared not only on
the signs in windows but on the cards in the ads box outside Finsbury
Station. Finsbury Park was not salubrious at that period. There was
soliciting and cruising aplenty without even the amenity of a condom.
The house I dwelt in whilst working there - at first in pubs and then as
a dispatch clerk in Libertys of Regent St. (round the corner from Soho)
- was mainly occupied by Hungarians with emigrant status and, in one
case, a purported bayonet wound from the still-moderately recent Russian
intervention which he liked to exhibit. The owner of the house was a
Londoner but the housekeeper was an an Irish-woman. Her English partner,
who was mostly stoned, later died tragically in the Leadenhall market
when a rolling meathook engaged with his temple.

The house was host to several Irish men (no women) though my own
Irishness was not conspicuous since I passed in term-time for an
prep-school teacher at a seedly establishment in Andover during a 'year
out' before going college. I was glad mine hosts were not exponents of
the prejudice in question but must add in honesty that I was perfectly
aware of the basis for those prejudices. Apart from racism and distaste
at alien cooking smells it was quite clear that many Irish working men
of the period were unsuited to the fastidious version of boarding house
culture which was then still the rule in London. I think it would be a
very doctrinaire observer who would accuse the London landlord of
outright racism when there were so many elements of difference - which,
in that period, was not prized as the trophy of educated society and
multicultural London that it is today.

There are real reasons why such words as hooligan and shananigans have
been turned to their modern uses in the English dictionary, although
their provenance lies in the 19th century (possibly in Liverpool?)
rather than our own time. The Irish diaspora was a matter of profound
alarm in London as in urban metropolitan America. Gangs of New York is a
saga about warring factions but it is also a fac-umentary about the
mammoth incivility of the newly arrived cohort. I don't think anyone who
hasn't actually heard Irish people in London shout-talk indoors should
get up on their high horse about bannings of the kind mentioned. Oddly,
the contemporary objection (i.e., at the time) was less to racial
prejudice than to the inclusion of Irish people with blacks and dogs. To
me, the prohibition on dogs seems sensible enough - though I cherish a
canine friend myself - but here again it is the implied equation (not
necessarily intended), "Irish = black = dogs" that gets people's dander
up. Nein?


Dr. Bruce Stewart
Languages & Lit.
University of Ulster
Coleraine, Co. Derry
N. Ireland BT52 1SA
02870324355 off.

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: "Morgan, John Matthew"
Subject: DOGS
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I didn't mean to go so far as asssociating myself with Jensen on the =
NINAs. There is documentation of those.
=20
JM

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: "Murray, Edmundo"
Subject: Re: dogs
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Thanks to Tom for his re-focusing message.

I was tempted to join this discussion with something else than hard
data, and Tom's posting is a good excuse. I wonder what Paul Newman (or
the screenplayer) was thinking about Puerto Ricans when he explained to
his girlfriend that "The Irish are the Puerto Ricans of England". Do
Irish and Puerto Ricans share the same type of "dogship" before the eyes
of English and USAmerican societies?

What I know is that most Irish and their families in Puerto Rico, Cuba,
Mexico, Peru and other points of the Caribbean and Latin America would
project their supposed "dogship" to the local ("darker" on their eyes)
peoples. If Irish, blacks and dogs were unacceptable in certain social
circles in England and the US, blacks, Amerindians and also "Dagos" (a
racial tag for anyone speaking Spanish), Italians or Chinese were
equally rejected by the Irish in this region.=20

Of course not all of the Irish behaved like that, but it took three of
four generations (six in the case of Che Guevara), and the mid-20th
century cultural turmoil in Latin America, for a number of people with
Irish surnames to approach these segments with a different attitude.
(Cf. Claire Healy's thesis Migration from Ireland to Buenos Aires,
1776-1890. PhD history dissertation, NUI Galway, 2005, and the
ground-taking chapters on relations of the Irish in Buenos Aires
countryside with blacks and indigeneous peoples).=20

Follows some textual illustration on this subject.

In the construction of the Panama railway (1850s, Colon in the Caribbean
to Panama city in the Pacific) Irish navvies confronted to Chinese and
other labourers "stared in ill-humored surprise and then burst out in
angry cursing. Long classified as stable and outhouse cleaners in Great
Britain and the U. S., the Irish had risen to the heady rank of white
Anglo-Saxons on arrival in Panama and wanted everyone to know it. No
other nationality displayed so much animosity toward people of darker
skin and foreign ways as the Irish." (The History of the Panama Railroad
and its Commercial Connections, by Fessenden Nott Otis, 1860).

"A gaucho from head to heel and in every part of his body. ... A
good-looking fellow despite his swarthy skin" (William Bulfin Tales of
the Pampas, 1900).

"Now and then he [the captain] protected me, and warned me against some
dreadful men in Buenos Aires whom he called 'the natives'. He said they
would be apt to fall in love with my fair hair an my Irish eyes, but I
must on no account pay heed to them, because they were tough customers
and low curs. All the gentlemen on board said the same thing.'
(Longford-born character Kate on her Atlantic journey to the Rio de la
Plata, in Kathleen Nevin's You'll Never Go Back, 1947). In the same
novel (upon arrival to Buenos Aires), "Oh, my dear... never, never do
that again! ... Extremely violent and passionate... You must on no
account touch any of them'". And when Kate and Bessie see the first
black in the streets, Bessie "only held her handkerchief to her nose and
said: 'Wasn't it disgusting'".

There are other interesting passages from the Irish editors of The
Standard of Buenos Aires and the Anglo-Brazilian Times of Rio de
Janeiro, and ads offering situations to "English", "British", "Irish" or
"ingleses/as" (never Argentine) servants and governesses.=20

Edmundo Murray


-----Original Message-----
From: The Irish Diaspora Studies List [mailto:IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK] On
Behalf Of Thomas J. Archdeacon
Sent: 27 September 2007 04:43
To: IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK
Subject: Re: [IR-D] dogs


I find a disconcerting level of inconsistency and talking past one
another
in this discussion of signs. It takes on, at times, a tone that is as
much
political as it is scholarly. Perhaps identifying some of the issues
and
points in dispute may lead to clarification of the debate.

Were there signs that Irish were unwelcome for jobs, etc., to be found
both
in Britain and the USA?
My answer, yes.
Were there -- at least in Britain -- signs that listed Irish, blacks,
and
dogs as unacceptable?
My answer, based on the evidence offered in these exchanges, yes.
Were there behaviors directed at American soldiers that blamed them for
their role in Vietnam?
My answer, yes. Did the behaviors include spitting? My answer, I can't
rule it out. Was spitting as common as alleged? My answer, probably
not.
Did the belief that soldiers were frequently being spit upon reflect the
soldiers' own perceptions that the society had rejected them? My
answer,
perhaps.
Bonus question:
Is the attitude toward soldiers from the Iraq and Afghanistan conflicts
different? [On an exalted level, compare attitudes to recent attacks on
Gen. Petraeus with attitudes at the time to attacks on Gen.
Westmoreland].
My answer, yes. That response, if correct, raises the question, Why?
The
nature of the enemy? A recognition of the political costs of attacking
soldiers? An inclination to see soldiers as additional "victims" of the
war?

Why is there relatively little surviving evidence of publicly posted
signs
disparaging the Irish?
Here is something worth further discussion. (I have used the awkward
and
inexact phrase "publicly posted" in an effort to sidestep newspaper job
ads,
especially for employment in private homes).=20

We have all heard the term "urban myth." One of the characteristics in
the
transmission of urban myths is that the speaker frequently does not have
direct experience of the triggering event but relates the story as the
experience of a trusted friend or family member. Stories like NINA
signs
and spit-upon soldiers tend to fit that pattern. =20
Worth further discussion: Does the structural similarity between the
signs
we are discussing and urban myth stories lessen the credibility of the
signs
stories? If not, why not?

Further questions: How common were offending signs? Is the frequency
with
which they appeared or the geographic breadth over which they were
spread
relevant to the analysis of discrimination? What historical role does
the
memory of the offending signs play for the Irish? Can these questions
be
honestly empirical, or does ideology inevitably play a role in driving
them?

The equation between Irish and Blacks raises several questions. The
answers
to those may differ between Britain and the U.S. =20
AT THE TIME that the signs were actually seen, were the Irish simply
offended by the insult to themselves, or did the equation of them with
Blacks make it worse? Did the equation of Irish and blacks exist in the
U.S. to the same extent as in Britain? (My guess -- possibly in 1850
but
not in 1950). Were the makers of the signs simply listing their peeves,
or
did they know the extra rub that juxtaposing Irish, blacks, and dogs in
some
combination might give? Whom were they most interested in offending?

As an Irish-American, I know I (or anyone) would be laughed out of
academics
for suggesting any stronger linkage than the existence of a generic
underlying "racism" in regard to the enmity shown toward Irish and
Blacks.
Any attempt to suggest the equivalence of the experiences would be
ill-received. I would be seen as harboring anti-black feelings and of
"just
not getting it." Those excoriating me might well be right.
Discrimination
does not equal slavery; legally enforced segregation does not equal
whatever
parallel you might want to offer.=20

What is the situation in Britain? From afar, it seems that Irish
advocates
in Britain are eager to make the equation between themselves and persons
of
African background. Is it an accurate comparison? Is it considered in
Britain to show a lack of sensitivity as it would be in the U.S.? How
is
the black/Irish combination being used in our discussion of Britain's
signs?


***

Two asides tangentially relevant to the discussion of the Irish and
race:

One of my favorite movies in "The Bronx Is Burning" genre is "Fort
Apache,
the Bronx," in which Paul Newman plays an Irish cop at the precinct
given
the sobriquet of the title. He has a Puerto Rican girlfriend to whom he
explains that "The Irish are the Puerto Ricans of England." Perhaps a
better analogy than the comparison of Irish and Blacks.

Has anyone but me ever noticed the number of movies over the past decade
or
two in which the flawed Irish-American hero's muse or redeemer is a
Latina
(usually Puerto Rican)? Why is that so? Is it because no film director
would expect an Irish guy to date an African-American but a Puerto Rican
has
just enough "colored" heritage + Catholicism to make it plausible? Is it
because the writer or director wants to expose endemic racism among the
Irish by having the flawed hero or the anti-hero find his better nature
in
surrendering to the "other"?

Tom

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: "jjnmcg1[at]eircom.net"
Subject: Re: No Dogs
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Ultan, Your splendid "The Men who built Britian" has circulated here aroun=
d
Tourmakeady and is still on the parish=2E Lately I heard a discussion in t=
he
local about the "Spike" being the lowest form of accommodation- even below=

living in the Pipe!=2E Much Irish was spoken so I am still uncertain about=

"The Spike"=2E However none of the good Mayo men of T=2E admitted ever hav=
ing
resorted to the Spike=2E What was it=3F John McGurk

Original Message:
-----------------
From: Ultan Cowley ultancowley[at]EIRCOM=2ENET
Date: Tue, 25 Sep 2007 22:52:27 +0100
To: IR-D[at]JISCMAIL=2EAC=2EUK
Subject: Re: [IR-D] No Dogs


I too 'lived quietly' on occasion in 'rooms' rented by English
landladies in '60s London who expressly forbade Irish tenants but who
failed to detect my nationality by my ( at that time) rather neutral Dubli=
n
accent=2E

I still wonder about the validity of discussing anti-Irish discrimination
by employers and similar discrimination by those renting accommodation as
though they shared the same motivation because I'm not convinced that such=

is the case in all, or even most, instances=2E

This always seems to happen when the Irish-American experience and that of=

the Irish in Britain become conflated in these discussions=2E=20

Many older Irish emigrants of my acquaintance recalled encountering NINA
employment bans prior to World War Two, but not thereafter, and I myself
never met with this in the 1960s, although I worked at a great variety of
jobs around London, as well as serving briefly in the RAF=2E Securing
accommodation, however, was quite a different matter=2E=2E=2E

Ultan

=20





The Irish Diaspora Studies List wrote:



< Subject: No Dogs
< =20
< =20
< When I was working with the Camden Council's Committee for Community
< Relations in the late 1960s, we heard tell of signs (from an early day)=

that
< said 'No Welsh'=2E I think such signs (ands I daresay 'No Jews' too) w=
ere
< common enough when there was the perception of an 'intolerable' minorit=
y;
< and doubtless many landladies did and do discriminate against dogs=2E =
But
is
< there actual evidence for 'No Irish' plus 'No blacks' plus 'no dogs' al=
l
on
< the same sign=3F It is the inclusion of this last that I am curious
about=2E
< It is of course peculiarly offensive in the context, but was there a
< context, or only a legend=3F
< =20
< A friend of mine from Northern Ireland lived quietly in a house with a =
No
< Irish sign, revealing his origin when he left=2E The landlady had thou=
ght
< from his accent that he was Scottish=2E=2E=2E=2E
< =20
< David Rose
< =20



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Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Cian McMahon
Subject: Re: James Redpath
In-Reply-To:
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From: Cian McMahon (Carnegie Mellon University)

RE: James Redpath

James Redpath (and his NYC weekly _Redpath's Journal_) are mentioned several times in William Joyce Leonard's _Editors and Ethnicity: a history of the Irish-American press, 1848-1883_ (1976). Without the book in front of me I am working from memory but I seem to remember him having Irish(-American) connections through the middle of C19th (hence his inclusion in the book). There were certainly a lot of Irish and Irish-American nationalists comparing American slave-owners to Irish landlords throughout that period. Bill Leonard used to work at the American Antiquarian Society in Worcester MA so there may be some more clues there.

Cian


> From: "Patrick Maume" To: "The Irish Diaspora
> Studies List" Subject: Re: [IR-D] dogs
>
> From: Patrick Maume On the subject of Irish/black equivalence - I have
> just come across some material about a radical abolitionist called James
> Redpath (he was an associate and first biographer of John Brown) who
> became a pretty vocal Land League organiser despite having no previous
> links with Ireland because he equated Irish landlordism with slavery in
> terms of the desire of an aristocratic class to live by exploiting other
> people's labour. This is an interesting example of the equation, coming
> from someone whose anti-slavery credentials are pretty well unquestionable
> (they included fighting in the Kansas wars and going around the Upper
> South interviewing slaves about their living conditions) as distinct from
> the more usual Irish American apologist tradition. Does anyone know of any
> recent publications on Redpath's Irish activities? I hope to write a
> paper oin them myself over the next year or so. Best wishes, Patrick
>
>

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: "Thomas J. Archdeacon"
Organization: UW-Madison
Subject: Re: James Redpath
In-Reply-To:
MIME-version: 1.0
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A pre-emptive strike: As we get into mid-19th century comparisons of Irish
immigrants and slaves, let's be careful about dragging up Frederick
Douglass's comparison between the two. Douglass certainly made the
comparison, but he immediately followed it with a denial that the statuses
of people with the freedom to move and slaves could be equal to each other.
The latter part of Douglass's statement frequently gets left out in synopses
of it.

TJA
-----Original Message-----
From: The Irish Diaspora Studies List [mailto:IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK] On Behalf
Of Cian McMahon
Sent: Thursday, September 27, 2007 3:57 PM
To: IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK
Subject: Re: [IR-D] James Redpath

From: Cian McMahon (Carnegie Mellon University)

RE: James Redpath

James Redpath (and his NYC weekly _Redpath's Journal_) are mentioned several
times in William Joyce Leonard's _Editors and Ethnicity: a history of the
Irish-American press, 1848-1883_ (1976). Without the book in front of me I
am working from memory but I seem to remember him having Irish(-American)
connections through the middle of C19th (hence his inclusion in the book).
There were certainly a lot of Irish and Irish-American nationalists
comparing American slave-owners to Irish landlords throughout that period.
Bill Leonard used to work at the American Antiquarian Society in Worcester
MA so there may be some more clues there.

Cian


> From: "Patrick Maume" To: "The Irish Diaspora
> Studies List" Subject: Re: [IR-D] dogs
>
> From: Patrick Maume On the subject of Irish/black equivalence - I have
> just come across some material about a radical abolitionist called James
> Redpath (he was an associate and first biographer of John Brown) who
> became a pretty vocal Land League organiser despite having no previous
> links with Ireland because he equated Irish landlordism with slavery in
> terms of the desire of an aristocratic class to live by exploiting other
> people's labour. This is an interesting example of the equation, coming
> from someone whose anti-slavery credentials are pretty well unquestionable
> (they included fighting in the Kansas wars and going around the Upper
> South interviewing slaves about their living conditions) as distinct from
> the more usual Irish American apologist tradition. Does anyone know of any
> recent publications on Redpath's Irish activities? I hope to write a
> paper oin them myself over the next year or so. Best wishes, Patrick
>
>

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: James Redpath
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From: "Patrick Maume"
To: "The Irish Diaspora Studies List"
Subject: Re: [IR-D] dogs

From: Patrick Maume
On the subject of Irish/black equivalence - I have just come across some
material about a radical abolitionist called James Redpath (he was an
associate and first biographer of John Brown) who became a pretty vocal Land
League organiser despite having no previous links with Ireland because
he equated Irish landlordism with slavery in terms of the desire of an
aristocratic class to live by exploiting other people's labour. This is an
interesting example of the equation, coming from someone whose anti-slavery
credentials are pretty well unquestionable (they included fighting in the
Kansas wars and going around the Upper South interviewing slaves about their
living conditions) as distinct from the more usual Irish American apologist
tradition.
Does anyone know of any recent publications on Redpath's Irish
activities? I hope to write a paper oin them myself over the next year or
so.
Best wishes,
Patrick

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: "Morgan, John Matthew"
Subject: bones
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NYT of 23 Sept 07
=20
"Honoring the Bones"
Suzanne Labarre
=20
Bones of immigrants, including Irish, found on Staten Island NY. Ancient =
Order of Hibernians calling for respectful burial. Site was a contagious =
hospital.
=20
JMorgan

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Ely Janis
Subject: Re: Redpath
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I talk quite a bit about Redpath in my dissertation on the American Land League. Redpath was very active in the Land League, making at least two trips to Ireland from 1880-1882. His journal "Redpath's Illustrated Weekly" was focused almost exclusively on Irish and Irish American news. He also published a book entitled "Talks About Ireland" and his weekly letters from Ireland can be found in the major IA newspapers like the Boston "Pilot." John R. McKivigan has a book coming out on Redpath sometime next year with a chapter on Redpath and the Irish. (I think it is Cornell University Press)

I agree heartily with Thomas Archdeacon's comments on Douglass. But there was quite a bit of discussion in African American newspapers on the "Irish Question" in the 1880s. For a brief discussion see, Arnold Shankman, "Black on Green: Afro-American Editors on Irish Independence, 1840-1921," available through J-STOR.

Best,
Ely Janis



Ely Matthew Janis
Ph D Candidate
Department of History
Boston College
janisel[at]bc.edu

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Liam Greenslade
Subject: Migration Information Source (Migration Policy Institute)
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Dear All

I can't remember if the list has a policy on this kind of thing (if so=20
I'm sure Patrick will remind me if we do:-)) and my apologies for=20
cross-posting if you've already seen this, but I thought I'd pass it on.

It is a very, very useful resource and in my view it should be supported

Best

Liam


Dear Reader,

Like most great inventions -- windshield wipers, frozen food, and mobile=20
phones -- once you=92ve used the Migration Information Source, it=92s har=
d=20
to consider life without it.

For the past five years, the Source=92s click-of-a-button data tools have=
=20
replaced long, rambling, and often fruitless searches for government=20
data. Source articles from top scholars have infused facts and policy=20
expertise into migration debates otherwise full of misinformation.=20
_Nowhere else can you so easily keep up to speed on the latest migration=20
research._

If you have been meaning to support the Source, now=92s your chance! Our=20
first individual donation campaign wraps up this Sunday, September 30,=20
and we love procrastinators as much as early birds.

*Please consider making a tax-deductible $25 donation today=20
*=
,=20
or whatever amount you can afford, so we can bring you expanded data=20
resources and the work of new voices in the migration field.

You can help the Source even more by *making a sustaining gift=20
*=
an=20
amount that automatically goes to the Source every month for as long as=20
you choose. If this option appeals to you, please consider giving $10 a=20
month for a year.

You can donate by check if you prefer, of course. The check should be=20
made out to the /Migration Policy Institute/ and can be mailed to

Barbara Zinkant, Director of Finance and Administration
Migration Policy Institute
1400 16th Street, NW, Suite 300
Washington, DC 20036

Your $25-or-more donation, one-time or sustaining, will put you in great=20
company. See who=92s already a dedicated member of the Source community b=
y=20
visiting our *Thank You page*=20
.

Thank you in advance for your generosity.

Warm Regards,

Kirin Kalia
Editor, Migration Information Source

P.S. The total number of migrants came to 190.6 million in 2005, the=20
total number of refugees in 2004 was 13.5 million, and migrants sent=20
home over US$281 billion in 2006. Please help us continue to provide the=20
tools for _you_ and the next generation of thought leaders on migration=20
trends and policies who are transforming communities like never before.=20
*The campaign ends Sunday, September 30 --**please make your donation=20
today!=20
*

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: Book Announced,
Politics and Political Culture in Britain and Ireland,
1750-1850: Essays in Tribute to Peter Jupp
MIME-Version: 1.0
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This volume, to honour the late Peter Jupp, will appear later this year.

We should add our own appreciation of Peter Jupp's work. Though I =
remember
one commentator saying that not even Peter Jupp could work up any =
enthusiasm
for the first Irish MPs in the Westminster Parliament after the Act of
Union...

There is an early bird special price on this volume for subscribers to =
Irish
Historical Studies, or, indeed, anybody. Use the code IHS OFFER.

I have not been able to get an electronic TOC of the volume.

P.O'S.

http://www.booksireland.org.uk/
=09
Politics and Political Culture in Britain and Ireland, 1750-1850: Essays =
in
Tribute to Peter Jupp

Category: Forthcoming Titles
Author: Allan Blackstock & Eoin Magennis
Publisher: Ulster Historical Foundation
Publication Date: 11/30/2007
Format: HB

Itemnumber: 978-1903688687
Retail Price: =A324.99 =20
Web-Price: =A324.99 =20
Members-price:=A322.49 =20

Abstract: FORTHCOMING TITLE. Publication date: November 2007

Before his untimely death in the summer of 2006, Peter Jupp was widely
recognised as one of the key influences in the recovery of British and =
Irish
political history in the 'long' 18th century. His unrivalled knowledge =
of
collections in public and private archives had made him well-nigh
indispensable to several generations of historians. This volume had
initially been conceived to mark Peter's retirement after 40 years' =
service
to Queen's University Belfast. With his sudden passing, it became all =
the
more important to acknowledge appropriately the true extent and depth of
Peter's contribution -- as lecturer, researcher, author and mentor.

These essays are now published to celebrate that achievement. They focus =
on
the themes in which he himself was interested: elections and parliament;
reaction and reform; political biography; the history of print and =
ideas;
crowds and popular movements. Moreover, they relate to a period, the =
18th
and first half of the 19th centuries and the changing nature of =
relations
between Ireland and Great Britain, so crucial to an understanding of
contemporary affairs, all of which has been so handsomely illuminated by
Peter's published work.

The contributors have come together as former students, colleagues and
friends -- often all three -- to pay tribute to his enthusiasm for this
shared interest and to acknowledge the remarkable impression Peter Jupp =
has
left on the study and wider understanding of British and Irish history.

The contributors to the collection of essays include: Suzanne Kingon, =
Martin
McElroy, Jacqueline Hill, Allan Blackstock, Nini Rodgers, A.P.W. =
Malcomson,
Trevor Parkhill, Richard Gaunt, Michael Hopkinson, Petri Mirala, Frank
O'Gorman, Eoin Magennis, Patrick McNally, and Mary O'Dowd. Short =
forewards
are provided by Marianne Elliott and David Hayton.

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick Maume
Subject: Re: Book Announced,
Politics and Political Culture in Britain and Ireland,
1750-1850: Essays in Tribute to Peter Jupp
In-Reply-To:
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From: Patrick Maume
I believe that Mary O'Dowd's chapter in this volume is on women and
O'Connellite politics - a subject which came up on the list a short time
ago.
Best wishes,
Patrick


On 9/28/07, Patrick O'Sullivan wrote:
>
> This volume, to honour the late Peter Jupp, will appear later this year.
>
> We should add our own appreciation of Peter Jupp's work. Though I
> remember
> one commentator saying that not even Peter Jupp could work up any
> enthusiasm
> for the first Irish MPs in the Westminster Parliament after the Act of
> Union...
>
> There is an early bird special price on this volume for subscribers to
> Irish
> Historical Studies, or, indeed, anybody. Use the code IHS OFFER.
>
> I have not been able to get an electronic TOC of the volume.
>
> P.O'S.
>
> http://www.booksireland.org.uk/
>
> Politics and Political Culture in Britain and Ireland, 1750-1850: Essays
> in
> Tribute to Peter Jupp
>
> Category: Forthcoming Titles
> Author: Allan Blackstock & Eoin Magennis
> Publisher: Ulster Historical Foundation
> Publication Date: 11/30/2007
> Format: HB
>
> Itemnumber: 978-1903688687
> Retail Price: =A324.99
> Web-Price: =A324.99
> Members-price:=A322.49
>
> Abstract: FORTHCOMING TITLE. Publication date: November 2007
>
> Before his untimely death in the summer of 2006, Peter Jupp was widely
> recognised as one of the key influences in the recovery of British and
> Irish
> political history in the 'long' 18th century. His unrivalled knowledge of
> collections in public and private archives had made him well-nigh
> indispensable to several generations of historians. This volume had
> initially been conceived to mark Peter's retirement after 40 years'
> service
> to Queen's University Belfast. With his sudden passing, it became all the
> more important to acknowledge appropriately the true extent and depth of
> Peter's contribution -- as lecturer, researcher, author and mentor.
>
> These essays are now published to celebrate that achievement. They focus
> on
> the themes in which he himself was interested: elections and parliament;
> reaction and reform; political biography; the history of print and ideas;
> crowds and popular movements. Moreover, they relate to a period, the 18th
> and first half of the 19th centuries and the changing nature of relations
> between Ireland and Great Britain, so crucial to an understanding of
> contemporary affairs, all of which has been so handsomely illuminated by
> Peter's published work.
>
> The contributors have come together as former students, colleagues and
> friends -- often all three -- to pay tribute to his enthusiasm for this
> shared interest and to acknowledge the remarkable impression Peter Jupp
> has
> left on the study and wider understanding of British and Irish history.
>
> The contributors to the collection of essays include: Suzanne Kingon,
> Martin
> McElroy, Jacqueline Hill, Allan Blackstock, Nini Rodgers, A.P.W.
> Malcomson,
> Trevor Parkhill, Richard Gaunt, Michael Hopkinson, Petri Mirala, Frank
> O'Gorman, Eoin Magennis, Patrick McNally, and Mary O'Dowd. Short foreward=
s
> are provided by Marianne Elliott and David Hayton.
>

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: Royal Irish Academy Conference: Where Will Ireland Get Its Energy?
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Where Will Ireland Get Its Energy?
8 November 2007, Conference Centre, Dublin Castle

Ireland is heavily dependent on imported hydrocarbons, yet global =
reserves have peaked, supply is vulnerable and prices are rising =
rapidly. This special one-day conference will address these issues. =
International experts on energy supply will speak on the potential of =
conventional and novel energy sources in an Irish context.
The meeting is aimed at those involved in energy research, and at those =
developing energy policy at local and national levels, north and south =
of the border.

Programme:
9.00am - Ministerial launch
9.30am - Mr Wim Thomas (Shell Global Scenarios)
Three hard truths and the 21st century energy agenda
10.15am - Professor John Ludden (British Geological Survey)
Can carbon capture and storage transform carbon-based fuels into viable =
low-emission energy sources?
11.00am - Break
11.30am - Dr Burkhard Sanner (European Geothermal Energy Council)
Deep and shallow geothermal energy
12.15pm - Professor Bertrand Barre (Areva)
The Pros and cons of nuclear power
1.00pm - Lunch
2.30pm - Mr Phil Metcalf (Ocean Power Delivery)
Limitless clean energy on your doorstep, and how to harness it
3.15pm - Professor Mark O'Malley (University College Dublin)
Harvesting renewable energy
4.00pm - Break
4.30pm - Panel Discussion
Chair: Dr Garth Earls (Geological Survey of Northern Ireland)
5.30pm - Close

Registration: Early Registration (before 15 October) =E2=82=AC100
Standard Registration =E2=82=AC200
Student Registration (with letter from supervisor) =E2=82=AC50
Please register online at www.ria.ie/energy

This Royal Irish Academy Conference is convened by the Academy Committee =
for Geosciences.
The conference is sponsored by Depfa Bank, Sustainable Energy Ireland, =
Eirgrid, The Energy Institute, The Irish Energy Research Council and the =
Institute of Geologists of Ireland.

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: "Thomas J. Archdeacon"
Organization: UW-Madison
Subject: Ethnic Slight
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I subscribe to Michael Quinion's "World Wide Words," a weekly e-mail missive
on language use. (I recommend it highly for those who are at all into
etymology, old and new usages, etc.). As you will see below, today's weird
word was "Fletcherise," or "Fletcherize" in the new and improved American
spelling. Of relevance to our list is the reference in Time Magazine from
1928 to "ragged micks in the street." Without doubt, a non-p.c. term based
in an allusion to our beloved ethnic group, or am I being overly sensitive?

Tom







2. Weird Words: Fletcherise
-------------------------------------------------------------------
To chew thoroughly.

The word commemorates The Great Masticator, a title that these days might
lead to hearers getting the giggles. He was Horace Fletcher, a food faddist
of the end of the nineteenth century and the early twentieth. He advised
people to chew each bite of their food 32 times, to eat small amounts, and
only to eat when hungry and free from stress or anxiety. Hence this rhyme of
the time:

Eat somewhat less but eat it more
Would you be hearty beyond fourscore.
Eat not at all in worried mood
Or suffer harm from best of food.
Don't gobble your food but "Fletcherize"
Each morsel you eat, if you'd be wise.
Don't cause your blood pressure e'er to rise
By prizing your menu by its size.

The heyday of Fletcherism was the early 1900s. Time Magazine wrote a
retrospective on the fashion in 1928, "For a time wealthy mothers counted
their children's jaw beats at the table while ragged micks in the streets
threatened to 'Fletcherize' their little enemies." A good example appeared
in 1908 in Food Remedies by Florence Daniel:
"But whatever is taken must be 'Fletcherised,' that is, chewed and chewed
and chewed until it is all reduced to liquid." The word for a while became
frequent in writings of all sorts. In 1922, P G Wodehouse borrowed the term
in The Adventures of Sally to illustrate the seriousness of a dog fight:
"The raffish mongrel was apparently endeavouring to fletcherize a complete
stranger of the Sealyham family."

Fletcherism was taken quite seriously by many people and had some
distinguished adherents; it lasted until the 1930s. Unfortunately, eating
meals took much longer than usual and there were complaints that it severely
restricted conversation at dinner parties.

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: TOC Studi Emigrazione, JULY-SEPTEMBER 2007, Special Issue,
Migration Museums
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable

This TOC from the latest issue of Studi Emigrazione, the Rome based =
journal,
will interest a number of IR-D members. It is another of Studi
Emigrazione's attempts to map the state of play - in this case, =
Migration
Museums...

P.O'S.

http://www.cser.it/SE-2007_issues.htm

http://www.cser.it/studi.htm

Studi Emigrazione
VOLUME XLIV
N. 167 - JULY-SEPTEMBER 2007
TABLE OF CONTENTS

Migration Museums
edited by L. Prencipe

L. Prencipe
Migration museums. Current situations and future projects



Migration Museums in the World

Tradotto e adattato dal sito web
da L. Prencipe
The National Museum of Immigration, Buenos Aires, Argentina

A.M. da Costa Leit=E3o Vieira
The Immigrant Memorial Museum, S=E3o Paulo, Brazil

S. Padmini
The Immigration Museum, Melbourne, Australia. Memories and Moving =
stories

G. Martini-Piovano
The Italian Australian experience in the collection of the Italian
Historical Society-CO.AS.IT.

J. Petersen
The Migration Heritage Centre (MHC), State of New South Wales, Sydney,
Australia

C.-A. Smith
Pier 21: The Gateway to Canada for Thousands of Italian Immigrants

Tradotto e adattato dal sito web
da A. Lovatin
The Ellis Island Museum, New York, United States of America

Tradotto e adattato dal sito web
da A. Lovatin
The Italian American Museum, New York, United States of America

M. Ben-Porat
The Babylonian Jewry Heritage Center, Or-Yehuda, Israel. Chronicles of
Babylonian Jewry



Migration Museums in Europe

M.B. Rocha-Trindade, M. Monteiro
The Museum of Migrants and Communities, Fafe, Portugal

I. Boj
The Museum of the History of Migration of Catalonia (MhiC), Barcelona, =
Spain

M. Fern=E1ndez Santiago
The Archives of the Galega Migration (AEG) Santiago de Compostela, Spain

A. Arquez-Roth
The Cit=E9 Nationale of the History of Immigration, Paris, France

Tradotto e adattato dal sito web
da M. Guidotti
The Migrations Museum, Zurich, Switzerland

Tradotto e adattato dal sito web
da M. Sanfilippo
The DOMiT (Dokumentationszentrum und Museum =FCber die Migration), =
K=F6ln,
Germany

Tradotto e adattato dal sito web
da M. Sanfilippo
The Danish Immigration Museum, Farum, Denmark

Tradotto e adattato dal sito web
da M. Sanfilippo
The Norwegian Emigrant Museum, Ottestad, Norway

M. Benito
The Immigrant-institute Museum, Bor=E5s, Sweden

N. Ugolini
The Museum of the Migrant, Republic of San Marino

P. de Guchteneire, M. Severo, C. Rouah
The Migration Museum Initiative


Migration Museums in Italy

M. Saija
Il Museo dell=92emigrazione eoliana, Salina (ME)

M. Stampa Barracco
Il Museo narrante dell=92Emigrazione, La Nave della Sila - Parco Old =
Calabria,
Camigliatello Silano (CS)

F. Vallone
Il Museo dell=92Emigrazione =93G.B. Scalabrini=94, Francavilla Angitola =
(VV)

S. D'Amaro, M. Coco
Il Centro di documentazione sulla storia e la letteratura =
dell=92emigrazione
della Capitanata (FG)

N. Lombardi
Il Centro di Studi sui Molisani nel mondo (CB)

G. Ruscitti
Il Museo dell=92Emigrazione, Cansano (AQ)

C. Monacelli
Il Museo Regionale dell=92Emigrazione Pietro Conti, Gualdo Tadino (PG)

F. Durante
Il Museo dell=92Immacolatella vecchia, Napoli

M.R. Ostuni, P.L. Biagioni
Fondazione Paolo Cresci per la Storia dell=92Emigrazione Italiana (LU)

S. Battaglia
Il Museo dell=92Emigrazione della Gente di Toscana (LU)

P. TAgliasacchi
Il Museo della Figurina di Gesso e dell=92Emigrazione (LU)

C. Truffelli
Il Centro di documentazione sull=92emigrazione, Bedonia (PR)

F. Capocaccia
Il Centro internazionale di studi sull=92emigrazione italiana, Genova

M. Colombino
Il Museo dell=92Emigrazione Piemontesi nel mondo, Frossasco (TO)

M. Tirabassi
Il Centro di documentazione Fondazione Agnelli - Altreitalie, Torino
=09
M. Colucci
History or memory? Italian migration a subject of historical research,
public domain, and cultural phenomenon

E. Franzina
From Museums to =93The Museum=94: Migration and History in Italy

P. Corti
Photography and Museums of Migration

M. Tirabassi
Virtual and real migration museums

P. Clemente
The Souls of Migrants. Migration and the demo-ethno-anthropological =
Italian
museums
=09

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: Article, Culture,
Conflict and Cooperation: Irish Dairying Before the Great War
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Email Patrick O'Sullivan patrickos[at]irishdiaspora.net

Culture, Conflict and Cooperation: Irish Dairying Before the Great War

Author: O'Rourke, Kevin H.1

Source: The Economic Journal, Volume 117, Number 523, October 2007 , pp.
1357-1379(23)

Publisher: Blackwell Publishing


Abstract:
A recent literature argues that `hierarchical religions' such as Catholicism
hamper the formation of trust, thus reducing the propensity to cooperate and
damaging economic performance. This article looks for a link between
Catholicism and the propensity to cooperate in the pre-1914 Irish dairy
industry. Although the propensity to cooperate was higher in Denmark than in
Ireland, and in Ulster than elsewhere in Ireland, Catholicism did not make
cooperation more difficult in Ireland. Political conflict over land reforms
and constitutional matters was to blame, not religion. Denmark's
homogeneity, not its Protestantism, led to the success of cooperation there.

Document Type: Research article

DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-0297.2007.02086.x

Affiliations: 1: Trinity College Dublin, CEPR and NBER


The 'recent literature' inccludes...

La Porta, R., Lopez-de-Silanes, F., Shleifer, A. and Vishny, R.W. (1997).
'Trust in large organizations', American Economic Review Papers and
Proceedings, vol. 87(2) (May), pp. 333-8.
JSTOR
.
La Porta, R., Lopez-de-Silanes, F., Shleifer, A. and Vishny, R.W. (1999).
'The quality of government', Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization,
vol. 15(1) (April), pp. 222-79.
CrossRef

Many IR-D members will find interesting Kevin O'Rourke's summary of the
research, with - of course - the links to the Weber Protestant ethic thesis.
On which, in turn, he cites Iannaccone's now famous summary...

Iannaccone, L.R. (1998). 'Introduction to the economics of religion',
Journal of Economic Literature, vol. 36(3) (September), pp. 1465-95.
ISI, JSTOR

--
Patrick O'Sullivan
Head of the Irish Diaspora Research Unit

Email Patrick O'Sullivan P.OSullivan[at]bradford.ac.uk Email Patrick O'Sullivan
patrickos[at]irishdiaspora.net Personal Fax 0044 (0) 709 236 9050

Irish Diaspora Studies
http://www.brad.ac.uk/acad/diaspora/
Irish Diaspora Net
http://www.irishdiaspora.net

Irish Diaspora Research Unit
Department of Social Sciences and Humanities University of Bradford Bradford
BD7 1DP
Yorkshire
England

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: Article, Ireland's footprint: A time series for 1983-2001
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Email Patrick O'Sullivan patrickos[at]irishdiaspora.net

Land Use Policy
Volume 25, Issue 1, January 2008, Pages 53-58

Ireland's footprint: A time series for 1983-2001

Annemarie Lammersa, , , Richard Molesb, Conor Walshb and Mark A.J.
Huijbregtsa
aDepartment of Environmental Science, Institute for Wetland and Water
Research, Faculty of Science, Radboud University Nijmegen, P.O. Box 9010,
NL-6500 GL Nijmegen, The Netherlands
bDepartment of Chemical and Environmental Sciences, University of Limerick,
Limerick, Ireland
Received 27 April 2006; revised 18 October 2006; accepted 28 February
2007. Available online 19 April 2007.


Abstract

Ireland has experienced high economic growth rates in the last decade of the
20th century. This paper examines how Ireland's economic growth has affected
environmental pressure by calculating a time series of Ireland's ecological
footprint (EF) from 1983 to 2001. Special attention is paid to the category
energy. The results show that the EF increased with a factor of 1.5 during
the time period, of which the doubled energy EF made up the biggest part.
The main contribution to the total increase in the EF were emissions of
fossil fuels, particularly oil consumed by traffic and electricity
generation. Increase was particularly high between 1993 and 1995, due to a
strong rise in the embodied energy footprint. This is caused by a shift in
the type of net imported products. While in the 1980s import figures for
minerals were high, in the 1990s import figures were highest for products
with higher embodied energies such as chemicals, fertilizers, iron and
steel, electric machinery, and road vehicles. Comparison of the Irish EF
with the bioproductive capacity of Ireland shows that in between 1993 and
1995 a state of ecological overshoot is reached which is only increasing
from then on. It is concluded that the growing economy has intensified
human's pressure on the Irish environment by its enlarged demand for energy.


Keywords: Ecological footprint; Time series; Ireland; Energy footprint;
Biocapacity